Part 5 - Chapter 6

The Seminoles prior to Removal to the Indian Territory West of the Mississippi. 

By the beginning of the nineteenth century, Spanish Florida was populated by both Muskogee and Mikasuki speaking Indians. The latter were in the majority. They either lived in small towns or migratory bands. Their lively hood depended on their traffic in deer skins. While the men hunted, the women remained at home tending to the fields, horses, and cattle. These hunting expeditions, generally into southern Florida, could take as long as six months.1 According to Covington, by the nineteenth century, approximately 3,000 Indians lived in Florida.2

The system by which the United States obtained cessions of land through claims of Indian indebtedness and for "alleged" Indian depredations held as true for the Seminoles as it had for the other tribes in the Southeast. One difference, however, is that often the identification as to tribal allegiance of the Seminoles and the Creeks was confused, possibly intentionally, by the United States Government.

Another arena that caused political unrest was the Spanish presence in Florida and the desire of the British to take advantage of this presence against the United States. By the end of the first decade, the United States saw a chance to combine the idea of Indian removal from Florida with Spanish removal from that area.3 As early as 1810, Spanish land bordering on the Mississippi was seized by the United States' citizens living there.4

Meanwhile, by 1812, the British and the Americans would be at war, and, once again, the Indians would align themselves with the losing sides - the British and Spanish.

Two other factors would, also, greatly influence the future of the Seminoles. The first, had been ongoing for many decades - the desire of the Americans to raid Florida to retake their slaves. The second catalyst was in the form of the Shawnee, Tecumsah, who had been travelling through Indian lands encouraging the Indians to form a confederacy. In addition, Tecumsah, had been counselling with the British.5

During the War with Great Britain, also known as the War of 1812, many battles were fought in Florida that involved United States' troops against the English, who were aided by some of the Seminoles and other Indians of the Southeast.6 Two factions of Creeks emerged, those who, as mentioned above, allied themselves with the British and those who followed William McIntosh and became allies of the Federal Government.7

In addition, other battles, these between the White settler and the Indians, were taking place on the Creek-Seminole Frontier.8 These border conflicts merged with the War of 1812 and with the "Fort Mims Affair" in which the Upper Creeks attacked the mixed bloods and White settlers seeking refuge at Fort Mims."9 The treaty of Fort Jackson on August 9, 1814 marked the end of this particular conflict. As a result, many Creeks sought asylum with the Seminoles in Florida.10

The following year, British Lieutenant Colonel Edward Nicholls took a delegation of Indians, including Seminoles, with him to England to try to win support for policies he had initiated with the Creeks.11 By the spring of 1818, the United States had ousted the Spanish governor of Florida and had gained control of the area. In February of 1819, a treaty was signed that ceded Florida to the United States and marked the forty-second parallel as one of the boundaries.12

The events in what is known as the First Seminole War were enmeshed in the events that involved the European Nations. The demand on the part of the United States government for the return of (Black)13 slaves and for Indian land cessions were key causes of the conflict.

As more Blacks, slaves and freedmen, fled or migrated to Spanish owned Florida, communities of Blacks emerged. These communities, also, included the Black slaves of the Seminoles. The Seminole slaves lived separately from the Seminoles and paid tribute to show their allegiance.14

There are many names for this latter group of Black people; one of these is Seminole Maroons. They fought alongside the Spanish and Indians during the whole era of conflict.

In order to understand the Indian-Black relationship in Florida, it is important to note a few characteristics. These are put forth by Kevin Mulroy, in his book, Freedom on the Black Border. While the Seminoles owned Black slaves, they were not interested in the master-slave relationship as demonstrated by the White man. They were more interested in ensuring a military alliance with the Black population than on having one based on economics. The tribute or tithe that these slaves paid was the only indicator of the master-slave relationship.15

This alliance was equally advantageous to the Black and/or slave population for they, also, wanted to prevent emigration. Woodburne Potter, a staff Officer in the United States army described the intense feelings of the slaves.

"His life among the Indians is one, compared with that of the negroes under overseers, of luxury and ease; the demands upon him are very trifling, scarcely ever exceeding eight to ten bushels, from the crop, the remainder being applied to his own profit: they live separate, and often remote, from their owners, and enjoy an equal share of liberty."16

According to Mulroy, these Seminole Maroons lived and dressed like the Seminoles.17 However, Mulroy believes that they did not intermarry to as great an extent as other historians have believed.18

The formal surrender of the Florida Territory took place on July 17, 1821. The governor of Florida into whose keeping the territory was placed was General Jackson.19

With the acquisition of Florida by the United States, the Indians were at many disadvantages. Firstly, many of the Seminoles had fought against the United States and as allies of the British; secondly, they had territory and "human" property claimed by the Georgians and other White settlers.

"Before the wars of 1812 and since, these Indians with their negro slaves, lived in comfort, and many of them were wealthy in cattle and horses. But these wars have broken them, destroyed great numbers of their bravest warriors and chiefs; also their villages and cattle, and thrown them into a state most distressing and pitiable."20

A relatively unknown writer, Dr. William Hayne Simmons, settled in St. Augustine, Florida immediately after possession of it was transferred to the Americans. In 1822, his book, Notices of East Florida with an Account of The Seminole Nation of Indians was published. He transmitted his observations and viewpoint by embellishing on the above theme:

"The people I am describing, suffered from the late contest with the United States--which has been erroneously termed the Seminole war, as they never aggressed upon, or intended to wage hostilities against the Americans--but, were involved in the conflict by the Lower Creek......[who] took refuge among them.

"[By] the number of the Creeks, thus forced in among them, adding greatly to the consumption of their remaining means of subsistence, they have been reduced to the brink of famine; and the present appearance of most of them is squalid, and wretched in the extreme."21

An anonymous Englishman, in 1818, described a party of about thirty warriors and their squaws who had come to Saint Augustine to sell skins and associated articles. They had been hunting for the past six months prior to their arrival at St. Augustine. He described them as follows:

"Their appearance was extremely wretched, their skins of a dark, dirty, chocolate colour, with long, strait, black hair, over which they had spread a quantity of bear's grease. In their ears and the cartilages of the nose, were inserted, rings of silver and brass, with pendants of various shapes, their features prominent and harsh, and their eyes, had a wild, and ferocious expression. As I approached, their regards were those of resentment, but those feelings were dissipated on a closer examination, I had been mistaken for an American, an object of their natural antipathy; but the thickness of the lips, soon convinced them of that error, and disposed them to the courtesy they always feel toward Englishmen. I have since observed, that this is not a fancied distinction, the lips of the natives of North America, are much thinner than those of a Europeans, a person accustomed to an intercourse with both, readily distinguishes the natives of each hemisphere, from that, and other evidences; and I have little doubt, but that our future generations will have a much stronger distinctive evidence, than the present, as the degrees of consanguity are removed.

"A torn blanket, or an ill-fashioned dirty linen jacket, is the general costume of those Indians, a triangular piece of cloth, passes round the loins, and between their legs; the women vary in their apparel, by merely wearing short petticoats, the original colours of which were not distinguishable, from the various incrustations of dirt."22

Shortly after Florida became a possession of the United States, The Reverend Jebediah Morse was requested to investigate the conditions of various Indian tribes. About the Seminole, he wrote:

"The pure Seminole Indians, Capt. Bell23, verbally stated to me, are about twelve hundred in number. They live in houses of wood, constructed like those of white people. The dress of the men is a cotton shirt, fringed down below the knee, with a belt. The poor use a deer skin, in place of the cotton. The women wear a petticoat and a short gown, like the white women. The cotton of which they are made, is manufactured by the whites; but they are their own tailoresses. They have none of the Indian fondness for ornaments and finery."24

This is an important quote for it points out the fact that the Seminole's dress was still indistinguishable from that of other Southeastern Indians.

George A. McCall, writing a letter to his father from the Seminole Agency in 1826, noted that the garment,

"the flap [is] always girt about the loins of a Seminole, whose tapering ends, ornamented with beads and various-colored embroidery, fall both front and rear to the knee..."25

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Once again, Captain Bell's statements on dress are extremely important, especially since so few people reported in written format on the apparel of the Seminoles in the early nineteenth century. However, the last sentence in the quotation is extremely interesting for it seems to contradict the impression, garnered from the paintings in the McKenney-Hall Collection and those of George Catlin that portrayed the Seminole Chiefs and warriors in splendid attire; Morse, via Bell, was describing, from all accounts, the average Seminole. The paintings of Catlin and those in the McKenney-Hall Collection were done of people prominent in the Seminole Nation. Thus, they were not representative of the average male and his attire. The few paintings of females portray them wearing simple White frontier women's clothes.

Few graphic descriptions and, even, few verbal descriptions go into any detail concerning the dress of the women. In a dream, Coacoochee, a Seminole leader whose fame was pronounced in the eighteen forties, described a vision he received of his dead sister:

"I then saw a white cloud approaching; and when just before me, out of it came my twin-sister, dressed in white, and covered with bright silver ornaments. her long black hair, which I had often braided, hung down her back."26

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During this period, there are probably fewer accounts of what the average Seminole wore than of any of the other tribes discussed except for, possibly, the Chickasaw. However, there are a number of portraits of Seminoles in the McKenney-Hall Collection. They were painted in 1825 and 1826 prior to the Second Seminole War. Other than the picture of Osceola, all the Seminoles' portraits were painted by Charles Bird King27 in his studio in Washington.

As would be expected, their dress was similar to that of the Creeks's although King painted some of the Creeks bareheaded while all the Seminoles had elaborate headdresses. Some wore a turban-type head covering, with plumes and/or a diadem around the turban. Some of these were shaped like a beret or a high crowned hat while others were intricately tied and draped down the back and sides of the head. Most of the headdresses were replete with bushy feathers that extended over an ear or over the back of the head. One of the men had just a rope like piece of red material encircling the crown of his head that contained many of these bushy feather.

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The hair that is visible was mostly cut in bangs and extended below the ear. Two of them were wearing thin mustaches. Three appear to have been wearing earrings, each one of which is different: one is a loop; one is pendant-like; and the other is a circle suspended from the ear lobe. Some were wearing gorgets and/or medals around their neck. Some had on silver bracelets while others had silver arm bands around the their upper arms as well as bracelets.

Osceola, not originally painted by Charles Bird King, appears to be the only one who was not wearing an outer garment such as a loose robe or tunic-type coat. These coats are also referred to by some anthropologists when describing Seminole dress as "long shirts" - a translation of their Mikasuki Seminole name according to Dr. William Sturtevant.28 However, since similar garments worn by other tribes are not referred to using this nomenclature, in this context they will not be referred to as "long shirts" because they are similar to the contemporary garments worn by the males of other Southeastern tribes.

The "long shirt" always was used as a coat. It was worn over a "short shirt" or "straight shirt - also a translation from the Mikasuki language.29 Sturtevant also seemingly referred to it as a "plain shirt".30 This shirt was the basic shirt of the White men of the period. In its simplest form it was made from a rectangular piece of fabric with a rounded neck opening and a slit part way down the front. The shoulder seams were reinforced with a band that extended from the edge of the neck to the shoulders. It had sleeves that came to the wrist. The sleeves were attached to the body of the shirt with a triangular under arm gusset for mobility of movement. The shirt was loose and extended to the mid thighs. It could be decorated with ruffles or lace at the wrist and at the front opening. It could also have a stand up collar of varying widths that could be worn with a neck cloth or a softer and more open collar.

Most of the outer garments worn by the Seminoles portrayed by King have fitted sleeves that end in a ruffle at the wrist. Under many of them can be seen the small high collar that was popular during that period of time. A few of the Seminoles were also wearing black neck clothes tied completely around their necks.

Some of these outer garments were decorated with deep ruffled collars at the neck which would have extended down the back while others had cape-like collars that extended over the shoulder. Some of these were decorated with fringed edging and appliqued in the form of a zig-zag pattern. The shawl was also a popular type of removable collar. It was worn over a collar and tied in the front. The predominant colors of these garments and their accessories were shades of blue, blue-grey, red, and white. The coats were either striped, patterned with small prints, or solid.

Charles Bird King painted only one full length portrait, that of Tukosee Mathla. Thus, it is impossible to know the length of these particular garments and the type of leg and foot coverings worn.

Most of the men wore a bandolier over either the right or left shoulder. These appear to be from one inch to four inches wide, finger woven with or without beads or embroidered with beads. Some of the men, also, have sashes about their waists.

Tukosee Mathla (spelled in a multitude of ways), also known to the White man as John Hicks was a Seminole chief who assumed his position in 1826. His dress was not only depicted by King visually but was, also, described in a letter written by George McCall to his father on August 20, 1826. McCall's letter is, especially, interesting for it described Tukosee Mathla on the day of his "inauguration" and on the following day. He described Tukosee Mathla's dress, during the ceremony, as being very plain.

"His head and his feet were bare, and his only garment, save the flap always girt about the loins of a Seminole.....was a simple shirt of a dingy brown, whose folds did not reach the knee."31

The shirt described above would have been called a "short" or "plain shirt" as distinct from a "long shirt".

Although the hair style of Tukosee Mathla is not describes, it is known that he had a scalp-lock for McCall wrote that a small war club was fastened to his scalp-lock.32

The following day, according to McCall,

"....Tuko-see-Mathla came to the Agent's quarters dressed in the most sumptuous habiliments you can imagine. His frock, or coat, was of the finest quality, and adorned with a quantity of silver ornaments around his neck, arms and wrists, with a gorgeous head-dress of colored shawls."33

During a trip to Washington with the Seminole delegation, Tuckosee Mathla was painted by Charles Bird King. This was the only full length painting of a Seminole done by Charles Bird King. He portrayed Tukosee Mathla wearing a tunic with an opening down the front as a coat. According to Sturtevant, this would have, also, been known as a long shirt. This coat was made of a red and green-blue striped material which appears to be of a heavy fabric. The coat reached to just below Tukosee Mathla's knees and was edged on the bottom and on the left front opening with red fringe. The bottom of the coat was edged with four rows of applique made from a blue-grey fabric. The row nearest the edge of the coat is straight; the next row is made up of half diamonds; the third row is in the form of a zig-zag; while the top row is, also, in the form of half diamonds. The collar of the coat is cape-like and edged with a row of fringe followed by two rows of white binding. The sleeves end at the wrist in small ruffles. The sleeves are full enough at the top to cause them to gather a little around the silver arm bands that he wore on both fore arms. His other jewelry consisted of two silver bracelets of varying widths around each wrist and a single silver gorget suspended from a chain around his neck. Below the gorget hung a medal. The only garment visible beneath his coat was the open collar of a shirt. Around his waist, holding the coat closed, was a wide undecorated red sash that extended down his right side and ended in a full fringe. A red kerchief was placed over the coat's collar and joined in front underneath the medal. In addition, he had a geometrically patterned beaded hunting pouch suspended from a narrow bandolier of the same material across his right shoulder; the bag was decorated with a braided fringe. This "rifle-pouch" according to a writer of the period was "an Indian's only pocket."34

On his head he wore a red turban hat with a high crown which extended across his forehead and covered the top of his ears. Surrounding the turban was a decorated silver diadem. From the top of the head-dress extended three black fluffy feathers. He wore tight red leggings that buttoned down the front - more like spats than Indian leggings. These covered what appear to be undecorated moccasins. However, it is hard to tell how these leg coverings stayed in place and did not separate from the foot covering. Below his knees he had on two woven garters of the same style as the bandolier and bag.

Soon after the United States gained possession of Florida, the Seminoles were induced to sign the first of many treaties forcing them to cede land to the United States and remove themselves to "undesirable" land in Florida. The first treaty was called the Treaty of Moultrie Creek of September 18, 1823.

Among the provisions was the distribution among the tribe "as soon as concentrated", ie. had removed to new land in Florida, various commodities and monetary sums, under the direction of their agent.35 The treaty contained ten articles. An additional article was amended to the treaty which gave certain influential members of the tribe additional lands and monetary recompense.

The reservation land allotted the Seminole was barren and unfertile. Evidence of this can be seen from various government documents and treatises dealing with Indian removal.

"Their period of suffering began, however, with the attempted concentration which the Government expected to accomplish in short order by assembling them in one or two large bodies and marching them with a military escort down the desolate country assigned them north of Charlotte Harbor."36

"The major part of the nation are, and have been, suffering for some time in extreme want. Some have died from starvation, and many have lived upon the roots of the sweet-briar, as a substitute for bread. This is owing to several causes: 1st. The continued droughts, for two months, whilst their corn was tasseling. 2d. Those who removed within the new boundary line had to cultivate new lands, which will not produce the first year of planting; and, 3d. Many did not come in till it was too late to plant."37

It is interesting to note, however, that a few months later, Secretary of War, James Barbour, wrote to the President of the United States, John Quincy Adams:

"Being convinced that the country to which those Indians have emigrated is not suited, either in soil or salubrity, to their preservation, instructions were, some weeks ago, forwarded to Governor Duval to ascertain their disposition in regard to a removal to lands west of the Mississippi."38

Barbour, then went on to state that the condition of the land that the United States had removed the Seminoles to in Florida was selected due to erroneous information on ours [referring to The United States Government] as to its fitness.39

However, Benjamin Chaires wrote a letter to Duval on January 13, 1825 informing him that:

"......it is the poorest part of Florida, and a large portion of it generally inundated."40

The next two treaties with the Seminoles did not take place until 1832 and 1833. They were the treaties that removed the Seminoles to land west of the Mississippi.

During the interim, from the treaty of Moultrie Creek to that of Payne's Landing (1832), was continually filled with problems for the Seminole. Due to the poor land, they strayed off of their reservation looking for food. White men agitated for Seminole land and also for the return of runaway slaves, whose ownership might have been questionable.

The solution, according to the Government, was to remove the Seminoles to the Indian Territory west of the Mississippi. The first treaty that addressed the issue was negotiated in May of 1832, the Treaty of Payne's Landing. The Seminoles would only agreed to the treaty if seven of their chiefs could be sent west to explore the land and would bring back a positive report.41

The treaty contained articles specifying the time frame, the compensation, annuities, etc. Article three, also, had:

"the United States agree to distribute as they [The Seminoles] arrive at their new homes in the Creek territory, west of the Mississippi river, a blanket and a homespun frock to each of the warriors, women and children of the Seminole tribe of Indians."42

The third treaty, known as the Treaty of Fort Gibson, according to Dr. Annie Heloise Abel, was "the direct cause of the second Seminole war".43 The treaty stated that:

"....the undersigned Seminole chiefs, delegated as aforesaid, on behalf of their nation hereby declare themselves well satisfied with the location provided for them by the Commissioners, and agree that their nation shall commence the removal to their new home, as soon as the Government will make arrangements for their emigration, satisfactory to the Seminole nation."44

However, the seven chiefs had not been authorized to sign anything prior to reporting the results of their expedition to the rest of the Seminole Nation.45 According to historians, they were forced through the machinations of the Indian Agent, John Phagan, to sign the treaty.46 Furthermore, when the delegation returned to Florida and desired to call a general council, Phagan refused to permit the meeting.47

The treaties of Payne's Landing and Fort Gibson were not ratified by the Federal Government until April 12, 1834. In October of that same year, a council meeting was called by the Seminole Agent, Thompson, to discuss the removal. By the end of the meeting, it was clear that the majority of the Seminoles opposed removal. During the next few months, other meetings were held to try to avert an overt conflict. By December of 1835, war was imminent.48

The events that finally erupted in the Second Seminole War took place over a span of many years. The Seminoles did not want to remove to land west of the Mississippi, especially if they had to form a union with the Creeks in their new territory; food was scarce and incidents between Whites and Seminoles ensued; and White men were entering the Seminole reservations to steal slaves and create other acts that defied treaty stipulations.

Some Seminoles chose death at their own hands rather than leave their homeland of Florida.49

On August 19th, 1835, the last negotiation for peace was held at Fort King and some of the Seminole leaders acquiesced to western emigration.50 The Seminole anti-removal chiefs and their followers were determined that emigration would not take place. Chief Charley Emathla was killed while preparing to emigrate and Wiley Thompson and Lieut. Constantine Smyth were killed, as well, by Osceola and his followers. In addition, other groups of Seminoles and Blacks were ambushing scattered White troops.51

According to Grant Foreman, Charley Emathla was killed as a warning to those "friendly" chiefs who were willing to emigrate.52

Osceola's name was beginning to be heard in conjunction with the Second Seminole War. However, Osceola would not become known to the American people until, through the duplicity of the Federal Government, he and his followers were captured on October 5, 1837 while negotiating under a flag of truce.53

One of the first verbal sketches of Osceola was written by a young Lieutenant. He was describing events in 1832. Although some of his information is open to question, ie., Osceola's parentage and the description of his hunched back physique, he portrayed Osceola vividly.

"Oseola is a half-breed, (his father an Englishman,) of the red stick tribe of Creeks--in person, he is middle sized, of rather slight make, but active and well proportioned; with the exception that he is slightly hump backed, which defect in an Indian, renders his appearance more remarkable. He is not much over thirty years of age--his complexion is rather lighter than that of the Seminoles generally, who are not as dark as many other tribes of Indians; his eye is deep and restless, and his features indicate hardihood and concealed cunning; his voice is remarkably clear and shrill; he has black hair like a full blood Indian, though not as coarse; his dress is usually simple and neat, without much pretension to ornament and style; like other chiefs; he usually wears a scarlet or blue handkerchief, or shawl, wound gracefully around his head in the manner of a turban, and surmounted with the waving Tafa-luste, or black ostrich plume, curving cavalierly over the back of his head; his rifle is the only costly thing he has about him, and is a silver mounted one, which his friend Thompson made him a present of, and which he bought in New York for one hundred dollars."54

Before Osceola was imprisoned in 1838, he was well known by the military. The Army and Navy Chronicle of May, 1837 described him and his followers. It is interesting to note how often the Seminoles at this period were described as being destitute of clothing. Since many reports went into detail about their lack of clothes, it has to be assumed that it was not just that they were scantily clad but what they wore had to be in poor condition.

It is, also, interesting to compare the following description of Osceola with his portraits painted the following year while he was in prison.

"Fort Mellon, (E.F.) May 4, 1837. - Yesterday the celebrated chief Powell [Osceola] made his appearance, with a few other chiefs, in our camp. He looks like a man worn down by hard usage, and has less the look of a chief than anyone I have seen. He has with him most of his tribe, and they are the most destitute looking beings we have yet seen. Most of them are almost naked. They are a fine, hearty looking set of fellows, and none look the worse for wear, except in dress. It would be difficult to starve them out; they came in with loads of the coonty root, all prepared for making bread.

"There are now in our camp two or three hundred Indians, and upwards of one thousand within five or ten miles of us, including men, women and children. They say they are ready to emigrate as soon as all their people are collected together, and wish more time granted them for that purpose. They are a slow set of beings to move, and will have their own time."55

Since there were so many descriptions of the almost naked state of the Seminoles, especially the women, it has to be assumed that when they would not come into a military camp because of lack of dress, this was not just an excuse to procrastinate and, thus, postpone their removal.

"Parties visit the post to satisfy themselves of the sincerity of our troops; and being satisfied, go out to report to others. They draw rations, and procure articles of clothing. They say that their women and children are naked, and that they cannot bring them in till they have clothing for them, and they are busy making up the materials they obtain in articles of dress. Major Graham, the Indian Agent is of the opinion the Indians are making every preparation to leave the country."56

It seems to be an established pattern that applied to all the Indians in the Southeast in the first third of the nineteenth century that while articles of ready-made clothing were available for the men, all available for the women and children were yard goods from which clothing had to be fashioned.

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According to Goggin, in his article entitled "Portraits, Features, and Dress," while Osceola was in prison at Fort Moultrie in Charleston, South Carolina, in 1838, there were at least two paintings created and an innumerable number of sketches made of him.57 The painting by George Catlin is the most famous. Although a portrait of Osceola appeared in the McKenney-Hall Indian Gallery, it was originally painted by an unknown painter and not by Charles Bird king.

Not all of the paintings are alike. Even changes in the depiction of the seemingly same articles of clothing are apparent. A partial explanation can be formed from a letter written by one of the artist's by the name of J. R. Vinton. He wrote a letter, in 1840, in answer to a request for information on Seminole clothing.

"As to costume, my Osceola would serve Mr. H. but imperfectly as a guide or copy. You know how plain & vulgar [common] the Seminole's dress in general & the artist must therefore borrow largely from his fancy if he wd. paint their vesture by any wiles of taste. On occasion of ceremony however there are certain peculiarities of costume which are seldom departed from. For instance, The ostrich plumes which decorate the heads of the Chiefs. These are worn differently by different individuals. CoaHarjo wore his on the front part of his head and so did most of the other chiefs I saw, with certain modifications, - but Osceola was peculiar for wearing his always on the opposite side and hanging off to the rear, as I have drawn them.......Still I know not whether these are imperative distinctions, or how far the privates are interdicated from indulging their passion for finery I only recite what has happened to fall under my own observation."58

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John C. Ewers, in writing on various aspects of the artist George Catlin, also, pointed out the fact that Catlin mainly painted portraits of prominent Indians in their finest attire. He selected his subjects, according to Ewer, to be of most interest to the public and to appeal to the vanity of the Indians who sat for him. Ewers, also, stated that Catlin did not always portray the clothes exactly as they were. He gives an example of a Mandan shirt painted by Catlin as it compared to the actual garment. Artistic expression and license seemed to capture the likeness of the shirt.59

Since Catlin was a strong proponent for the Indian, it is very possible that he wanted to present them to the public in their finery not in their often drab and poor every day garments. Another variance that could have affected the portrayal of the garments was the factor of time. Some pictures, of necessity, had to have been painted more quickly than others. Some he painted in a studio-like setting - even in the field; and some, involving movement, he captured more quickly and in their rustic setting.

Ewers stated that Catlin had two distinct styles. He termed one a "studio-portrait" style and the other an "impressionistic or field-sketching" style. Ewers places Catlin's portrait of Osceola in the former style with a high regard for details.60 Catlin, even stated that:

"I have painted him precisely in the costume, in which he stood for his picture, even to a string and a trinket. He wore three ostrich feathers in his head, and a turban made of a vari-coloured cotton shawl - and his dress was chiefly of calicos, with a handsome bead sash or belt around his waist, and his rifle in his hand."61

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Even Catlin's paintings in different media of Osceola varied. His formal portrait worked in oil paints in 1838 showed Osceola wearing an open red robe of a flowing fabric. It did not seem to be customary among the Seminoles of that period to wear their robes open. In this painting, Osceola also wore a wide bandolier over his right shoulder that was decorated with, apparently, beaded leaves and diamonds. He wore a scarf, knotted in front, around his neck, long beads, and three gorgets. His turban was of a patterned red with black and white feathers. He wore a finger woven beaded belt tied in front.62

Other portraits of Osceola, even those done by Catlin, do not portray his dress identically. He is more commonly portrayed wearing a belted tunic, rather than an open robe.63 One artist, J.R. Vinton portrayed him wearing a short sleeved hunting shirt. This style was also not customary and was conceivably inaccurate.64

Both Charles Bird King and Robert Matthew Sully portrayed him wearing a patterned shirt, not open, other than at the neck, that ended above the knees, and was held in at the waist with a belt or sash. However, even here, the folds in the shirt are depicted differently.65 Of course, artists do not usually paint with the exact same style.

The colorations of Catlin's Indian paintings also varied depending on the edition. In his book, The Souvenir Of the North American Indians done in 1849, he has used colors like salmon and turquoise while in his original "first time" works he used more primary reds and blues.

Catlin, also, painted other Seminoles - Ye-ho-lo-gee (Cloud), Ee-mat-la (King Philip), Co-eeha-jo (Creek Billy), Mick-e-no-pah, and a Seminole woman and boy. The latter was named Os-ce-o-la Nick-a-no-chee. This boy was not at Fort Moultrie while Catlin was there. He painted him later.

Catlin worked in both oil paints and watercolors. He, also, made copies of his work on commission in which he duplicated his originals. In addition, he put together collections of his works in the form of pencil sketches entitled Souvenir of the North American Indian.66 In these detailed sketches, he, often, combined more than one original figure. In one of the Souvenir Collections, he did some compilation sketches of the Seminoles. Included in one was Ke mat la (King Phillip), Ye how lo gee (The Cloud), Co ee ha jo, Tia shee, (The Licker or Creek Billy), Os ce o la (a lad of 12 years old), and a woman and child.67

The other Seminole pencil compilation contains the famous portrait of Osceola, Mik e no pa and his wife and child.

The clothing of these Seminoles is very varied and not necessarily the same as in the individual portraits. In these works, all of the men are wearing leggings. Some are fastened on the side, some in the front by means of buttons, most cover the moccasins snugly, but one man appears to wear his moccasins over his leggings. These moccasins, then, appear to have flaps. The leggings are decorated on their edges. Over their leggings and under their knees are garters. These appear to be very wide with the ends split into two sections and tied. All the men are wearing variations of the turban with a feather. Some of the turbans are flatter than others; some are tied in the front while others are tied in the back; and some cover the forehead while others are worn further back. One of them appears to also have material flowing from the back of it.

Although the cut of all the men's hair is similar, the length is not all the same. Some barely covers their ears; while some hangs to their shoulders. Most wear bangs in the front.

None of the men wear the same neck cloths, shirts, or outer garments. Two of the men appear to wear blankets as their outer most covering. One drawing of the "The Cloud" shows him wearing pendant ear bobs, beads around his neck, and a round brooch-like object under his blanket. Another painting shows him wearing this brooch-like object on his blanket to the left of his chest.

The outer garments of the other men, Osceola being the exception, are tunic-type hunting shirts. One of these garments is fringed on the outer arm seam and has wrist cuffs that are ruffled; and another of these has a large collar trimmed with what appears to be fur. Two of them have decorated hems in a geometric pattern. Both belts and bandolier with bags are worn. The detailing is not visible.

Some of the shirts have ruffles around the neck; other necklines are covered with material wrapped around the neck on the inside of the collar and tied in front. Most of the men have, at least, two strings of beads around their necks while others wear, in addition, multiple gorgets.

Very few of the artists portrayed women. Catlin drew two of the warrior's wives in his Souvenir Collection. He, also, painted another woman.

The two women depicted in the Souvenir Collection wear long dresses with sleeves to their wrist, have long hair parted in the middle, and wear pendant ear bobs. One of the women also wears about ten strings of beads around her neck.

One of the dresses appears to have a few rows of some type of trim around the bottom of the dress. Also, the collar of this dress is shaped like a shawl and, possibly, could be one. Around this woman's neck are many strings of beads as well as multiple pendants. The pendants decrease in size with the uppermost one the largest. The top two are circles, and the bottom one is a diamond.

This woman is, also, wearing moccasins with flaps. All the moccasins are gathered around the toe with an oval insert above the instep. Many appear to have trim around their edges.

Creek Billy appears in a more detailed painting. In this painting, one can see that his ear bobs consist of a circle suspended from a pendant through his ear. Also, he wears a variety of beads, some round and some elongated.

Another rendition, called "A Seminole Woman," shows this woman covered by an outer blanket. Her hair is cut in bangs and appears to only reach to her shoulders. She is also wearing a piece of material around the crown of her head knotted in front. This is very unusual for a woman to wear this type of a head covering. The front of her round neck dress is covered with brooches. These encircle the neck (at least as far as the shoulders) and more are placed to form a "V". She also wears moccasins.

Since it is not known how many copies of individual painting were made, it is hard to know why changes have, apparently, been made to some. However, these changes are not critical as applied to the general Seminole dress of the period because there was an infinite variety of different styles within the framework of early and mid nineteenth century Seminole dress.

The women wore basic frontier style dress, as did all the other tribes of the southeast. At that period, individualism and economic and social status accounted for the majority of the differences. Although it can probably be stated that due to the migratory nature of the Seminoles during the aforementioned period, fewer women wore upper class White styles of dress or more formal White styles.

The same can be said for the men's dress with the exception that the Seminoles used more buckskin during this period of time than did other Southeastern tribes. Few men wore upper class White dress or the more formal frock coat, pantaloons, etc. The basic male Seminole clothes were moccasins, form fitting leggings, turbans, and an inner long sleeved shirt covered by an outer belted long sleeved garment that reached the thighs. The belts were either finger woven or bead embroidered, and the bandolier bags were embroidered with beads using repetitive type designs while the strap could be similarly embroidered using repetitive designs, also.

Another Seminole who was depicted graphically and through the written word by contemporary people of the time, not, however, by Catlin, was Coacoochee, also called Wild Cat. He was a leader of band of Seminoles, who refused to succumb to the pressure of the Federal Government and emigrate to Indian Territory. On March 5, 1841, he came in from Cypress Swamp to "talk" with the White man.68

"At noonday on the 5th of March, Coacoochee was announced approaching the encampment, preceded by the friendly Indians and followed by seven trusty warriors. He came within the chain of sentinels boldly and fearlessly, decorated, as were his companions, in the most fantastical manner. Parts of the wardrobe plundered from the theatrical party the year previous, were wrapped about their persons in the most ludicrous and grotesque style. The nodding plumes of the haughty Dane, as personated in the sock and buskin, boasting of his ancestry and revenge, now decorated the brow of the unyielding savage, whose revenge had desolated the country by blood, and whose ancestors had bequeathed the soil, now consecrated by their ashes, which he had defended with unwavering fidelity. Modestly by his side walked a faithful friend wound up in the simple garb of Horatio. In the rear was Richard lll, judging from his royal purple and ermine, and the hideousness of a distorted, dark, and revengeful visage. Others were ornamented with spangles, crimson vests, and feathers according to fancy."69

Coacooche while in captivity was described, once again by Sprague, in the summer of 1841.

"His irons taken off, he proceeded to the shore, accompanied by an officer, dressed in the most fantastical manner. Three ostrich-plumes hung gracefully from his crimson turban. His breast covered with glittering silver ornaments, his many-colored frock and red leggings, with a sash around his waist, in which was thrust a scaling knife, impressed both the whites and Indians crowding the landing awaiting his arrival......"70

A report of Coa-coo-chee's (Wildcat's) dress from that same summer was reported in a weekly journal on Wednesday, July 28th, 1841. At the time of the above narrative, Wildcat had already been captured in Florida and was at the barracks near New Orleans.

"His dress consisted of a red cloth tunic, richly ornamented with parti-colored beads, open at the neck so as to display his insignia of superiority, which is nothing more than a silver medal, bearing on one side a full length bust of the celebrated King Philip, harranging a circle of warriors, and upon the reverse a chieftain of the Narragansetts calmly surveying the lightening as it flashes around him, while his foot is placed upon the neck of a Mohawk foe. This medal is suspended to a circlet of eagle's talons, curiously interwoven with the skin of a spotted snake, upon a ground of dark blue cloth. Large silver ornaments are in his ears, and a fillet of the same metal set in with red and blue glass, clasps an almost classical forehead. On the back of the scalp, three large black ostrich plumes are sewed into a band going underneath the fillet. The belt to which his quiver is attached, and that going around his body are both made of wampum. A pouch hangs at his side, made of the skin of a young panther. His legs up to his knees are covered with leggins of tanned deer-skin, and his feet are encased in moccasins of the same material."71

     Sprgaue # 1sprague 1 sm.jpg (6832 bytes)
John T. Sprague, referred to previously, was a Brevet Captain in the United States Infantry. In his book, The Origin, Progress, and Conclusion of the Florida War, he, not only described the war, but also, presented ten illustration. Of these, five are portraits engraved by Orr & Richardson, N. Y.

The first one is of Coacoochie, who is portrayed in a more sedate and "average" type of Seminole dress than he was in the two previous descriptions.

The portrait is from the middle of the thighs upwards. The innermost visible garment is a shirt with a soft collar. Over this is a "hunting shirt" with a laid back collar and an arm ruffle that encircles the arm about five inches below the shoulder. The sleeves are neither tight nor loose and reach the wrists. He has a belt looped twice around his waist that is tied a little left of center. Over his left shoulder is thrown a blanket-like piece of material. On his head, he wears either a flat turban or a strip of material tied, also, on the left. From the right side protrude a few plumes. He does not appear to wear any earrings, unless he wore one in his right ear. A lock of hair hangs to his jaw line. The rest is not visible.72

The next picture is a full length portrait of Thlocklo Tustenuggee or Tiger-Tail. He wears a shirt that is open to his breast bone and has a laid back collar. His outer garment looks like a robe. It appears to be open to about a few inches above the waist and held closed by a belt. However, it also could just have had a very low neck line. The top of the robe or tunic fits his body fairly closely while the lower part appears to fall in folds from beneath the belt. He is depicted with a knife held in place by his belt; a powder horn hung by a thin strap over his right shoulder; and a decorated strap supporting a bag, probably two inches wide, draped across his left shoulder. The arms of the robe reached his wrists and are without any decorations.

       Sprague # 2sprague 2 sm.jpg (9473 bytes)
He appears to be wearing tight leggings that cover the tops of his moccasins and end over his instep in a point. Immediately below his knees are wide garters wrapped around his leg more than once and tied on the outside with pieces hanging down of approximately ten inches. It is impossible to tell whether his leggings end at these garters or at his thighs.

His head is covered by a turban-like head gear that extended down his back. From the top of this head gear protrude two feathers. He does not appear to be wearing jewelry.73

The next engraving that appears in Sprague's book is of the Negro, Abraham. What is important to note is that his dress is similar to that of many Seminoles.

It cannot be determined whether he is wearing a shirt. All that is visible is a handkerchief that is tied around his neck ending with a knot in the front and two tails about eight inches in length. His outer garment is a loose coat with a large laid back collar. Underneath this collar is another even larger collar that extends over his shoulder and ends in a point on his chest. It probably was symmetrically constructed, but only the left side of it is visible. It was decorated with a short fringe on the edge, a panel of material, and another thin strip of material as a trim. This latter strip could have been appliqued on. The attached collar of the coat which was simply an extension of the coat was trimmed in a similar manner. The sleeves are relatively full and could possible end in a double tight ruff at the wrists. This looks as if it is a double ruff gathered in the middle with a band over it. He has short hair over which is a turban with a high crown. It is tied on his right side.74

The next engraving from Sprague's book is a bust of Osceola. It shows him wearing a tunic with a cape-like collar that is bordered with a ruff and extends to his shoulders on the sides and his breast in the front. It is obviously open at the neck for it appears as if the four gorgets are attached around his neck from underneath this garment. From his ears are hung ear bobs that appear to consist of a ball at either end held together by a tapered cylindrical object. They appear to be about two and a half inches long. On his head he has a turban that does not conceal his ears. His hair reaches over his shoulders in back with a lock that reaches down to a little below his jaw line in front of his ears. The front of his hair is cut across his forehead in bangs. From the back of his turban are two plumes. One appears to be light in color and the other dark.75

The last portrait is of Gopher John, a Negro Seminole Interpreter. His dress resembles that of Tiger-Tail. His tunic does not appear to be open down the front. It has a low neckline that ends at his breast-bone in a V. Surrounding the V-neck is a collar that probably ended in a square or triangular shape in the back. It is decorated by circles that could have been brooches. He has a belt around his waist that ends in a sash on his right. Through the belt is stuck a knife. His sleeves extend to his wrists. Around his upper arm is a narrow arm band that is not part of the tunic. This garment, as did Tiger-Tail's, has a loose skirt type bottom that ends at his mid thighs. Once again, it is impossible to tell whether his leggings end at his thighs or below his knees. They are shaped in the same manner as are Tiger-Tail's. Below each knee is tied a band of material that could have been made from two handkerchiefs. His head is bound over the ears and forehead by a cloth that is tied on the left side. This tie only extends about an inch below the band. From the left side protrude two thin feathers.76

Emigration to Indian Territory was not halted during the Seminole War. Seminoles who surrendered or were captured were placed on boats and shipped to Indian Territory.77

Upon arrival in Indian territory, females under ten years of age were given three yards of Linsey (cloth) and those over ten years of age were given six yards. All males were given a hunting shirt.78

An article in the Army and Navy Chronicle of March 28, 1839 documented the feelings of some of the Seminole women about their exportation:

"From Tampa Bay. - About the 1st., Gen. Taylor shipped 250 Indians, consisting of 65 warriors, women, children, and negroes westward. The women were reluctant to go, and upbraided the men with cowardice, in refusing to die upon their native soil. The vessel departed amid the lamentations and taunts, and reproaches upon the conduct of the warriors."79

There are many records of these emigrants throughout newspapers of the period. The Little Rock Gazette described a party in July of 1838 and one in April of 1839.

"SEMINOLE INDIANS. Between 60 and 70 Seminoles Indians came up on the s.b. [steamboat] Itasca from New Orleans on Saturday morning last, in charge of Lt. Reynolds, U. S. Marines. They are part of Alligator's tribe, and that noted chief, with his family, are of the party. Take them as a body, they are as likely a party of Indian emigrants as we have seen, and we understand they are perfectly healthy."80

"EMIGRATING SEMINOLES. About 260 Seminoles arrived here yesterday, from New Orleans on the Steamboat Buckeye, under the charge of Capt. Morrison, of the U. S. army, on their way to the country assigned to them in the west. They are a portion of the band who have been bothering our troops in the hammocks of Florida, headed by the negro Abram, who is with the party. They are all fat and good humored, and look as if they have been living a life of indolent ease, instead of being hunted like wild beasts from fastness to fastness. A good portion of the party is composed of women and children."81

The picture Charles Coe painted of the emigrants was different than that portrayed by The Little Rock Gazette.

"The number of Seminoles and Maroons who were transferred from Florida to the West during the war between April 1836 and February 1842, was 3,930. [A footnote added that the number of Maroons was about 400.] They left the country in fifteen different lots, the smallest number going together being seven and the largest 1,160. With one or two exceptions, each lot was accompanied by a conductor, in most cases an army officer being detailed for the purpose. The passage from New Orleans was made in about one month. Many never lived to reach their new home, for almost every lot was reduced in numbers en route by death, resulting from disease induced by their confinement, change of food, and homesickness. One party which numbered three hundred and seventy when they left Florida, was reduced by fifty before their destination was reached. The largest party who emigrated at one time sustained a loss of ninety-one. [the footnote to this number states that they reflect Official Records, Indian Office.]82 To the above total number should be added two hundred and sixty-five, comprising a lot who emigrated prior to the war, and two hundred and twenty-five, who departed after hostilities had ceased in the fore part of 1843; making a grand total of 4,420 persons."83

A letter from Aaron Barling dated Fort Gibson, 31 December, 1839 to Superintendent Armstrong defined the articles one party of Indians received upon arriving at Fort Gibson.

"On the 23rd instant there arrived at this place in steam boat Orleans 48 Seminole Emigrants without either conductor or muster rolls. I have mustered them and knowing it would be for their benefit have hired wagons and they are now on their way to the Deep Fork of the Canadian. Col. Logan being absent, I issued to them Blankets, Linsey [cloth], and hunting shirts agreeably to Seminole Treaty."84

On May 18th, 1839, General Macomb announced that the war was over. One condition was that those Seminoles that desired to remain in Florida could, but they had to settle in a designated area near Lake Okechobee.85 However, it proved almost futile to try to apprehend the Indians who would not relocate anywhere.86 In actuality the war was not over since a strong Seminole fighting force still remained in Florida.87

By 1841 three quarters of the Seminole and Black population had been removed to Oklahoma.88 About five hundred Seminoles remained. These hid and lived in the swamps.89 Those who remained were poor and starving. In one group, a Lieutenant Henry issued "a blanket to each and a shirt and turban to each man and a calico dress and handkerchief to each woman...."90

Jacob Rhett Motte described a group of four hundred Indians and Blacks who voluntarily came to Fort Jupiter in February of 1838 "to await the will of their great father, the President."91

"They might have been constantly seen wandering about our camp like domesticated animals; the men begging of everyone some tobacco; which being given they smoked with a great deal of dignity; the squaws engaged in the less dignified employment of picking up the corn which our horses dropped from their mouths while eating; and which being sifted from the dirt, and pounded in mortars, was made into sofka; a dish the Indians devour with great goût (gusto)92. From their appearance, I should judge the burden of the war to have principally fallen upon the female portion of the natives; for while the men looked in good health, spirits, and condition, the squaws with but few exceptions presented a most squalid appearance; being destitute of even the necessary clothing to cover their nakedness, many having nothing around them but the old corn bags we had thrown away, and which they had picked up in camp and along our trail."93

The fact that the burden of the war seemed to have fallen onto the women is born out by Ethan Allen Hitchcock who was an army officer during the second Seminole War and kept meticulous diaries that described not only the events of the period, but the people, as well.94

"Tiger-Tail and [Hadjo] Tustenuggi, (two Chiefs) & 10 warriors declare their wish for peace & say they can fight no longer - that their corn has been destroyed, that their women are broken down with labor in preparing the arrow root (Conubi), that they are dependent upon what game they can kill for their food, and that they are in a starving condition."95

The descriptions of the men, on the other hand, seem to indicate that their health, when non injured, was not adversely affected. In November of 1840 Hitchcock noted that:

".....6 young Indians came this morning, saying they came from the Suwanici [Suwanee] river & expected to meet others here... They bring venison with them & all the Indians we see, so far, appear to be robust, hearty, and healthy & well fed men."96

Later that same month, Hitchcock wrote in his diary:

"The Indians, this far seen, are well dressed. Some entirely in deer skins, but some have cloth leggins and nearly all have calico shirts. We see but few blankets. There is so far as seen, a full proportion of ornaments - beads and feathers."97

Other information about their apparel can be garnered from the evidence of materials left at various camp sites when being forced to flee. Items of note were a complete suit of winter clothes, calico, a pair of shoes.98

However, other reports show their lack of clothing. On the condition of twenty nine prisoners, mainly women and children, Hitchcock wrote that they were:

".....the most squalid & miserable looking creatures I have seen. - Their clothing reduced to rags & they & themselves as dirty and filthy as it is possible for them to be. They have been strictly confined & watched by Maj. Childs, but might have washed themselves in the lagoon .......where they were quartered."99

No generalization as to the physical conditions of the Seminoles can be made. If the report by Major Thomas S. Jesup, made in July of 1838, to the Secretary of War is accurate then the majority of the Seminoles had little of everything including clothing.

"The villages of the Indians have all been destroyed; and their cattle, horses, and other stock, with nearly all their other property, taken or destroyed. The swamps and hammocks have been every where penetrated, and the whole country traversed from the Georgia line to the southern extremity of Florida; and the small bands who remain dispersed over the extensive region, have nothing of value left but their rifles."100

It could be assumed, also, that when fleeing from one camp site to another, especially in the swamp, all Seminoles involved would be affected adversely. Since Hitchcock did not believe the Indians to be responsible for the war101 both his negative and positive reports, in all probability, can be interpreted as being unbiased.

Using Hitchcock's description of the Seminoles' dress as a base of comparison to other groups of Indians, it seems that the Seminoles wore more buckskin than did other Southeastern Indians during the first half of the nineteenth century. While many of the other tribes had settled into an agrarian existence, the Seminoles still depended upon the chase, and thus a "nomadic" form of existence. In addition, as described elsewhere, from the first decade of the nineteenth century, the desire of the United States to oust the Spanish from Florida and the former's "troubles" with the English would have adversely affected the acquisition by the Seminoles of manufactured cloth.

Hitchcock described the process used to dress deer skins. It is obvious from his narrative, that this process took into account the fact that their lifestyle was far from sedentary.

"They take the brains from the head & mat it up in a roll of moss and so preserve them until they get time or opportunity for dressing the skins. The process of dressing the skins is this - While out on a hunt, they have not time to complete it & they only do what is necessary to preserve the skin & the brains used in dressing it. They run a leather thong along the sides of the skin (one on each side), another along the back part i.e. from one hind leg to the other, [and] another along the fore leg too the neck. [They use] two of these. They then run two small posts in the ground 7 feet high & as far apart & connect the tops by a cross piece. They then tie the ends of these things in such a way as to stretch the skins. Thus they allow the skin to dry in this position & then fold it up & add it to the pack. They bake the head of the deer and roast it over a slow fire & then bake out the brains. These (to preserve coured [?] mainly or to carry them) they mix with a handful of moss (that grows on trees) and make it into the shape of a biscuit which is dried or baked before the fire. When they stop long enough to go on with the process, they put the skin into cold water over night & then scrape off all of the hair very much as our curriers do. This done, they put the brains into warm water & work it with the hand or stick until the water is absorbed together with the brains. They then spread the skin with thongs as before and take a stick like a paddle rounded off at the corners and about three inches broad & perhaps two feet long. With this stick, they commence working on the flesh side of the skin rubbing the skin up & down, right & left until it becomes perfectly soft. The squaws do all this work. They finally dig a hole in the ground 10 or 15 inches in diameter. They put upright sticks around the edge of the hole & around these sticks they wind the skin into a cylinder shape through which the smoke passes along the hair side, which, when sufficiently colored by smoke, the work is done."102

During a similar time period, in 1838, Motte visited a dance where he observed the younger men dancing

".....decked out in all their savage paraphernalia....... [with] their gaudy dress and animated figures.....forming a lively contrast to the more sobre garb of the elderly ladies and gentlemen, who [were] wrapped up in blankets on the ground in an assembled mass"103.

Throughout the various narratives, different writers have described the dress of the adult male Seminoles as if these styles belonged on opposite ends of a continuum ranging from plain to gaudy. However, when isolated and analyzed the information is not as contradictory as it first might appear. The everyday dress of the Seminole men was utilitarian and plain - "These Indians are but slightly dressed having on only a buckskin shirt & moccasins."104 - in comparison to their ceremonial dress. The gaudiness of their "fancy" dress depended upon, in general, but not to mutual exclusion, their rank, age, and, sometimes, blood percentage. The higher the rank, the younger the age, and, in some cases, though seemingly less among the Seminoles than among other Southeastern tribes, the greater the mixture of White blood, the fancier the dress. However, all the criteria did not have to be present.

Very little material exists on the dress of the women. While, at this time period, most were described as being scantily clad and near starvation, nevertheless some were described at a dance as being:

"arrayed in their festive attire, and decorated with a profusion of gaudy trinkets, but with feet and legs unconscious of shoes or stockings."105

When Hitchcock reported his giving items of dress to the Chief Coacoochee, he gave a mixture of ready-made clothes and yard goods.

"....I gave him Calico for his wife & daughter & a shirt for each of his men with him - 4 in number - and a shirt for himself. Also a ned [needed ?] blanket for leggings."106

In 1842, the terms of Macomb's 1839 treaty were resurrected once again. Although it was strongly recommended by the Federal government that the remaining Seminoles emigrate to Indian Territory, those refusing to go could remain and move to the land specified in Macomb's negotiations of 1839. Furthermore, those who desired to remain would not receive anything from the Federal Government.107

In 1845, Captain John T. Sprague was left in charge of Indian affairs when General Worth left the arena.

"In passing through the interior of the country, I found much interest manifested in reference to the relations now existing between the settlers and the Indians remaining within the limits of the state. The withdrawal of the troops to more active duty, renders it necessary that a perfect understanding should exist, to continue the friendly intercourse which for three years past has given confidence and security, in all respects, to the most remote settlers on the frontier. The number of Indians in Florida does not exceed one hundred men capable of bearing arms. The temporary arrangements made with them by General Worth, in August, 1842, permitted them to plant and hunt within a boundary thus defined.......

"........These points have been given to the Indians, within which they must confine themselves for all purposes-conditioned, clearly explained and understood, upon their cultivating at all times and under all circumstances, a friendly feeling with the whites. To this they have adhered, ever since the first boundary was defined, with the most scrupulous fidelity.

"The citizens of the state and those now exploring it hold the destiny in their own hands. If in the prosecution of these designs, they by the most trifling or thoughtless act induce the Indians to shun them, or lead them to believe that that protection given them three years past is withdrawn, the life and property of every settler is jeopardized; and the country will ere long again become the scene of rapine, desolation, and distress.

"It then becomes the duty of every citizen, looking to his own security and the prosperity of the state, to eradicate the spirit of recrimination actuating so many toward the Indian."108

Thirteen years later a document entitled The Indian Question would be written by an anonymous person. The perspective give insight into the climate of those times.

"In 1842 (during the administration Gn. Tyler) the President directed the officer commanding the troops in Florida (the late Gen. Worth) to make a temporary arrangement with the Indians, leaving them in possession of a certain portion of South Florida; and in pursuance of the same policy, Congress passed what is called the "armed occupation Act", by virtue of which most of our pioneers now hold their lands.

"Thirteen years have since elapsed, and the distrust and enmity between our people and the aborigines, which resulted from a long war, remain almost undiminished. A large majority of the people of Florida have urgently demanded, from each succeeding administration, the removal of those Indians in pursuance of the Treaty of Payne's Landing (May 9, 1832 - April 12, 1834). It would therefore seem very evident not only that they ought to be removed forthwith, but that they should have been removed long ago. Unfortunately in human affairs it is often far easier to say what ought to be done than to do it, and our "Indian Question" is of that character. Certainly every [changed to] Every good citizen desires a peaceable solution and therefore all peaceable means should be tried. Many have been applied in vain, but a few remain, and they are now being urged to the utmost.

"Should they suffice, the people of Florida will have cause for [?]atulation, and in the event of an entire failure of the present plans, we have the satisfaction of knowing that they are affording their best preparation for the use of coercion."109

The peace arrangements of "1842" were negotiated between leaders of some of the remaining bands. One of these bands was headed by Billy Bowlegs. Some sources state that Bowlegs became prominent in 1839 while others state that it was not until 1842.110 However, he did not become known until the majority of the Seminoles and other Florida groups had already emigrated to Indian Territory. He presented a colorful figure that writers for periodicals of the eighteen fifties portrayed in detail. One such report was presented in the "Journal of Commerce" on October 8, 1849.

"The chief [Billy Bow-legs] is described as being a fine looking warrior, about forty years old, with an open, intelligent expression of countenance, totally devoid of that wild look which so frequently characterizes the inhabitants of the forest. His figure is about the ordinary height, and well-proportioned, and evincing much self-possession in his manners. His beard (head? sic) was enveloped in a red shawl, surmounted with white feathers, encircled with a silver band, with crescents of the same material suspended from his neck, to which was appended a large silver medal, with a likeness of President Van Buren on its face; his throat was thickly covered with strands of large blue beads; he also wore bracelets of silver over the sleeves of his decorated hunting shirt. A broad, showy bead belt passing over his breast, suspended a beautifully beaded rifle pouch under his left arm; and red leggings, with brass buttons, which were thickly embroidered with beads where they covered the upper part of the moccasins, completed the costume of the king of the Seminoles."111 


1. James W. Covington, The Seminoles of Florida, p. 26.

2. Ibid., p. 26.

3. Edwin McReynolds, The Seminoles, p. 43.

4. Samuel Eliot Morison, The Oxford History of the American People, volume 2, p. 105.

5. Edwin McReynolds, The Seminoles, p. 53.

6. Ibid., p. 48.

7. Ibid., p. 56.

8. Ibid., p. 56.

9. Ibid., p. 59.

10. R.S. Cotterill, The Southern Indians, p. 188.

11. Ibid., p. 73.

12. Ibid., pp. 86-7.

13. The words Black, Negro, and Maroon all refer to peoples from or descendent from those from Africa. The different forms of nomenclature are used where they are the most applicable. The words are never changed when quoting text.

14. R.S. Cotterill, The Southern Indians, ., p. 48.

15. Kevin Mulroy, Freedom on the Border, pp. 17-18.

16. Woodburne Potter, The War in Florida, p. 45

17. Kevin Mulroy, Freedom on the Border, p. 20. Edwin McReynolds, The Seminoles, p. 48.

18. Ibid., p. 21.

19. Edwin McReynolds, The Seminoles, p. 92.

20. Charles H. Coe, Red Patriots, p. 9. This statement is quoted by Coe in his book and, according to him, was from Reports to the Secretary of War, Morse, 1822.

21. Dr. William Hayne Simmons, Notices of East Florida with an Account of the Seminole Nation of Indians, pp. 74-75.

22. Anonymous, Narrative of a Voyage to the Spanish Main, in the Ship "Two Friends;" the occupation of Amelia Island, by M'Gregor, etc. - Sketches of the Province of East Florida; and anecdotes illustrative of the Habits and Manners of the Indians: with an appendix containing a Detail of the Seminole war, and the execution of Arbuthnot and Ambrister, pp. 164-166.

23. Captain Bell, an Indian Agent, had periodically issued reports to the Secretary of War. Charles H. Coe, Red Patriots, p. 8.

24. Jebediah Morse, A Report to the Secretary of War of the United States On Indian Affairs, 1822, reprinted in 1972. Appendix, p. 309.

25. Major General George A. McCall, Letters From the Frontiers, p. 155.

26. John T. Sprague, The Origin Progress, and Conclusion of the Florida War, p. 328.

27. The pictures are described from the plates in James D. Horan's book The McKenney-Hall Portrait Gallery of American Indians.

28. William Sturtevant, "Osceola"s Coats?", Florida Historical Quarterly , Volume XXXlV, Number 4, p. 325.

29. Ibid., p. 325.

30. William Sturtevant "Seminole Men's Clothing" Essays on the Verbal and Visual Arts, p. 171.

31. George A. McCall, Letters from the Frontiers, p. 155.

32. Ibid., p. 155.

33. Ibid., p. 156.

34. Jacob Rhett Motte, Journey into Wilderness, p. 139.

35. Kappler, Treaties of American Indians and the United States, edited by Kappler, from the CD ROM "The Indian Question" put out by Objective Computing.

36. Annie Abel, "The History of Events Resulting in Indian Consolidation West of the Mississippi," Volume 1 of the Annual Report of the American Historical Association, p. 357.

37. Extract of a letter from Colonel George M. Brook to Colonel George Gibson, dated Cantonment Brooke, December 20, 1825. American State Papers, Indian Affairs, volume 2, p. 655.

38. James Barbour to John Quincy Adams, February 14, 1826. American State Papers, Indian Affairs, volume 2, p. 655.

39. Ibid.

40. Letter from Benjamin Chaires to His Excellency William Duval January 13, 182,. American State Papers, Indian Affairs, volume 2, p. 664.

41. Coe, Red Patriots, pp. 44-45.

42. Kappler, Treaties of American Indians and the United States, edited by Kappler, from the CD ROM "The Indian Question" put out by Objective Computing.

43. Annie Abel, "The History of Events Resulting in Indian Consolidation West of the Mississippi," Volume 1 of the Annual report of the American Historical Association, p. 393.

44. Kappler, Treaties of American Indians and the United States, edited by Kappler, from the CD ROM "The Indian Question" put out by Objective Computing.

45. Annie Abel, "The History of Events Resulting in Indian Consolidation West of the Mississippi," Volume 1 of the Annual report of the American Historical Association, p. 393.

46. Covington, The Seminoles of Florida, p. 65.

47. McReynolds, The Seminoles, p. 128.

48. Covington, The Seminoles of Florida, pp. 72-79.

49. Jacob Rhett Motte, Journey into Wilderness, p. 19.

50. Covington, The Seminoles of Florida, pp.72-76; McReynolds, The Seminole, pp. 140-142.

51. Grant Foreman, Indian Removal, pp. 326-7,

52. Ibid., p. 326.

53. Covington, The Seminoles of Florida, pp. 92-93.

54. Sketch of the Seminole War and Sketches During a Campaign, by a Lieutenant of the Left Wing, p. 5.

55. Army and Navy Chronicle, Volume lV, #21, 1837, p. 330.

56. Army and Navy Chronicle, Volume lV, #22, Thursday June 1, 1837, p. 348.

57. Goggin, "Portraits, Features, and Dress," Florida Historical Quarterly, Volume XXXlll, p. 168.

58. Ibid., p. 167.

59. John C. Ewers, George Catlin: Painter of Indians of the West, p. 497.

60. Ibid., p. 492.

61. George Catlin, Letters, and Notes on the Manners, Customs, and Condition of North American Indians -in two volumes. Volume 2, p. 219, Dover edition.

62. Royal B. Hassrick, The George Catlin Book of American Indians, p. 80.

63. Harold McCracken, George Catlin and the Old Frontier, p. 187.

64. Joseph Edward McCarthy, "Portraits of the Osceola and the Artists Who Painted Them." Jacksonville Historical Society Newsletter, Volume 2, 1949, pp. 23-77.

65. Ibid. p. 36.

66. Harold McCracken, George Catlin and the Old Frontier, p. 203.

67. The spellings of the names are taken from the Souvenir of the North American Indians. Rare Books & manuscripts Division - New York Public Library Astor., Lenox, & Tilden Foundations.

68. John T. Sprague, The Origin, Progress, and Conclusion of the Florida War, p. 258.

69. Ibid., p. 259.

70. Ibid., p. 193.

71. Foreman Collection, box 32, volume 65. Originally from Draper Collection, Kentucky Mss. 30004. Thomas Gilcrease Museum. Tulsa, OK.

72. John T. Sprague, The Origin, Progress, and Conclusion of the Florida War, description of etching on page 98.

73. Ibid., description of etching on page 99.

74. Ibid., The etching is from page 100.

75. Ibid., etching from page 101.

76. Ibid., p. 459.

77. Covington, The Seminoles of Florida, p. 93.

78. Foreman Collection, box 56, folder 33, letter from S.R. Stephenson, disbg. Agt., to C. A. Harris, Com. Ind. Affairs dated Oct 17, 1838. Originally from OIA: Western Supt'y (Emigr.) s1221-1225. Ft. Gibsom. S-1221.) Thomas Gilcrease Museum. Tulsa, OK.

79. Army and Navy Chronicle, volume Vll #13, March 28, 1839, p. 205.

80. Army and Navy Chronicle, Volume Vll, number 7, August 16, 1838, p. 105.

81. Army and Navy Chronicle, Volume Vlll, number 16, April 18, 1839, p. 268.

82. These figures have not been checked with official records by this author.

83. Charles Coe, Red Patriots, pp. 160-161.

84. National Archives. Letters Received by OIA, microfilm group 234, roll 806. Seminole Agency Emigrations

85. Grant Foreman, Indian Removal, p. 372.

86. Ibid., p. 374.

87. Covington, The Seminoles of Florida, p. 100.

88. Ibid., p. 100.

89. Ibid., p. 104.

90. Ibid., p. 106.

91. Jacob Rhett Motte, Journey into Wilderness, p. 207.

92. James F. Sunderman's definition, editor of the Motte book.

93. Jacob Rhett Motte, Journey into Wilderness, pp. 207-208.

94. Since Hitchcock's diaries are often written without punctuation or without proper punctuation, the author has added punctuation and made changes in the sentence structure. However, the integrity of the meaning has never been violated.

95. Ethan Allen Hitchcock, Diaries - Volume 16, p. 16. Thomas Gilcrease Museum. Tulsa, OK.

96. Ibid., November of 1840, p. 45.

97. Ibid., November of 1840, p. 57.

98. Ibid., November of 1840, page 47 and 72.

99. Ibid., Volume 17, December of 1840, p. 95.

100. Army and Navy Chronicle. Volume Vll, # 4. July 26, 1838, p. 29.

101. "I have always said since I went to Florida that the Govt. was in the wrong & this is the chief cause of the persevering opposition to the Indians who have nobly defended their country against the attempt to enforce a fraudful treaty - I mean to include the [p.101] proceedings at Fort Gibson in inducing the half dozen Seminoles to sign a paper signifying their approbation of the western country.

"A brief statement of the case is this. Col Gadsden as the commdr. of the U. S. attempted to purchase the Seminole Lands.

"The Indians refused to sell - at length Col. G. ordered a clause giving the negro interpreter $100 in case the treaty should be made. That negro [ p. 102] was a run-a-way slave from Pensacola.

"The Indians as Col. Gadsden reported officially were induced to treat - but still holding the power in their own hands they only consented to a treaty conditionally -to wit- a party was to be sent west of the Miss. to examine the country to which it was proposed to send the Seminoles. That party was to return & report the character of the country & the Seminoles were then to decide [p. 103] whether they would accept that country in which case the treaty was to take effect. The party was sent west and at Fort Gibson where the[y] refused to sign a paper, they were told that if they did not sign a paper approving the country, they should be abandoned in the country instead of being conducted back.

"They were at length prevailed upon to sign the paper which they had no authority [p. 104] to do. The act was considered by President Jackson as the act of the Nation though the Nation disavowed it & have from the first denied that the party ever had any power to commit the tribe.

"Genl. Jackson ordered or proclaimed the treaty complete & attempted to enforce it. The Nation used every means to avoid a war, but finally were forced into it by the tyranny of the Govt. [p. 105]." This is from Ethan Allen Hitchcock Diaries. Volume 14. Thomas Gilcrease Museum. Tulsa, OK.

102. Ethan Allen Hitchcock, Diaries - volume 18, winter of 1841, pp. 28-32 Thomas Gilcrease Museum. Tulsa, OK.

103. Jacob Rhett Motte, Journey into Wilderness, p. 214.

104. Ethan Allen Hitchcock, Diaries - volume 18, March of 1841, p. 66. Thomas Gilcrease Museum. Tulsa, OK.

105. Jacob Rhett Motte, Journey into Wilderness, p. 216.

106. Ethan Allen Hitchcock, Diaries - volume 19, March of 1841, p. 56. Thomas Gilcrease Museum. Tulsa, OK

107. Covington, The Seminoles of Florida, p. 107.

108. John T. Sprague. The Origin, Progress, and Conclusion of the Florida Wars, pp. 508-510.

109. John Casey Papers - Folder 149 Gilcrease - no date and no signature. Thomas Gilcrease Museum, Tulsa, OK.

110. Kenneth W. Porter, "Billy Bowlegs (Holata Micco) in the Seminole Wars (part 1)." Florida Historical Quarterly, volume XLV, pp. 221 & 224.

111. Grant Foreman Collection, box 32, folder 65, p. 572. "Journal of Commerce", New York, Monday, October 8, 1849, editorial page, col. 3. Thomas Gilcrease Museum, Tulsa, OK.