Creek Dress in the Nineteenth Century Before Removal to the Indian Territory West of the Mississippi. The latter part of the eighteenth century saw the signing of the Treaty of New York by Creek envoys and the United States. This treaty was engineered by McGillivray and signed mainly by representatives from the Upper Creek Towns even though the majority of land ceded to the U. S. comprised the Lower Creek's hunting grounds.1 While McGillivray claimed to represent the Creek Confederacy, William Augustus Bowles and his followers claimed that they were the true representatives of the Creek Confederacy.2 In addition, while McGillivray was supposedly negotiating on behalf of the Creeks, he was, in reality, making secret treaties with the U. S. for his own aggrandizement.3 However, he was considered to be a strong leader for the Creeks who believed that the only way to defeat the U.S. and keep sovereignty was to "learn from the White man's culture, especially their political organizations, and make the necessary adaptations."4 According to Michael Green, McGillivray's aim was to strengthen the Creek Nation.5 By 1801, The U.S. had finally adopted an Indian policy. Although on the surface it lauded Indian acculturation, the reasoning behind it was very different. The plan was aimed at turning the male Indian hunters into Indian farmers who would sell their hunting land and buy farming implements, tools, and spinning wheels with the money. They would, then, be encouraged to intermarry with the Whites and continue to acculturate by following the model of the White man. The man who replaced McGillivray upon his death as the Indian agent also was an advocate of this plan.6 William Augustus Bowles was to play a major role until his death in 1805.7 Bowles's influence and power was not only actual but, also, symbolic. Bowles promised an independent Creek Nation that wouldn't have to cede any more land to the U.S.; would receive aid from Britain; and be free from Spanish sovereignty.8 A major factor that determined events of the early nineteenth century was the increasing split among the Creeks. Although there was historically a split between the Upper and Lower Creek towns, the Treaty of New York along with subsequent treaties widened the gap. Even though the hunting lands of the Lower Creeks had been ceded to the U.S., the annuity for them was being paid to both the Upper and Lower Creeks.9 Another force that widened the gap was the closer proximity of the Lower Creeks to the White population. While the Lower Creeks adopted more of the ways of the White man, the Upper Creeks wanted to remain isolated from White encroachment.10 Additionally, within the Upper Creeks, was a division that separated the Headmen, namely Big Warrior, from the populous. Eventually, the Upper Creeks' political rift, fuelled by many internal and external events, erupted into a civil war that encompassed the neighboring tribes and the U.S. The latter requested aid from the neighboring Indians in order to subdue the warring Creek faction. The close of the war in 1814 saw about 15% of the Creeks dead and a tremendous loss of Creek territory through the treaty of Fort Jackson in August of 1814. The territory ceded by the treaty did not only belong to the warring towns, but, also, belonged to the friendly towns that supported Jackson against their own.11 At the close of the war, the Creeks were a broken power and would continue to lose strength through corrupt Indian agents like Governor Mitchell who was appointed at the death of Benjamin Hawkins in 1816 and Speaker of the Lower Creek Towns, William McIntosh, the son of a British Loyalist and a Coweta woman. Both of these men, by controlling the trade and manipulating the Indians' indebtedness, assumed financial power over the tribe.12 The new weakened position of the Creeks also made the theme of removal as advocated by Jackson and others seem more possible. The treaty of Indian Springs in 1821 was a result of charges levied against all the Creeks of harboring run away slaves in Florida. However, the problem really involved the Seminoles, but since they were said to have been formerly part of the Creek nation, the latter was held responsible. The government did not bother to acknowledge the fact that the Seminoles were not all from the Creek Nation. The reparation was to be made in land cessions to the United States for the benefit of Georgia.13 By the early eighteen twenties, two leaders of the Creek Nation were at odds: William McIntosh, who was friendly toward the Whites; and Big Warrior, who represented the "old order" of the Creeks. Some of the Creek Headmen, anticipating further pressure for land cession and knowing the potential for corruption, passed a tribal resolution that "they would neither sell nor exchange another foot of land."14 The penalty for breaking this law was to be death.15 The Upper Creeks and Lower Creeks were still diametrically opposite each other in life styles except for their belief in retaining their native land. While the Upper Creeks continued to live in towns and hold on to the "old" ways of life, the Lower Creeks became planters and farmers, spoke English more readily, and participated in the market economy of Georgia.16 While Georgia continued to battle for Creek removal, however, it no longer served her purpose to pursue it along military lines. Instead, Governor Troup and others schemed with some of the Creek Indians toward achieving a complete land cession. In 1825, some little known representatives of five Lower Creek Towns met and authorized McIntosh and seven others to go to Washington to consult with the President. Even though they never went, this unauthorized group of chiefs started the process by which another treaty of Indian Springs was signed on February 12, 1825. Although clearly based on falsehoods and misrepresentation, McIntosh and his cohorts sold the national domain in Georgia, which was the land of the Lower Creeks, and also important parts of Alabama, which was the land of the Upper Creeks. McIntosh and the other chiefs were from the Lower Towns; no one was present from the Upper towns. While the Creek Council refused to honor the "treaty" and remove their nation to land west of the Mississippi, they did honor their law and proclaimed McIntosh a traitor whose punishment was death.17 "McIntosh supporters" feared for their lives within the Indian community, and many, including his son, Chilly, emigrated West. However, even in Indian territory they faced conflicts from "The Wild Indians," the Osage. "We knew we were coming to a land of strangers, and that our intended neighbors were red brothers who had not received the advantage of civilization as we, and the rest of your red children who had resided east of the Mississippi. These wild Indians depend almost altogether upon the chase for support, and their glory is war. We are anxious to pursue a different course. Our objective is to cultivate the land, to support our families by our industry, and to preserve peace not only with our white, but with our red brothers. We are, however, subject to depredations from small bands of those Indians who live on our southern and western frontiers, which keeps us in continual alarm for the safety of our people, more particularly our women and children."18 Both Georgia and the Creek Indians continued to oppose each other and petition the U. S. Government. Starting in 1825, the Creeks began to petition the U.S. Government to annul the new Treaty of Indian Springs. This was accomplished and on April 22, 1826 was replaced by the Treaty of Washington.19 The final treaty that dealt with land within the state of George was signed in November of 1827. This treaty removed the Creeks completely from Georgia.20 The Lower Creeks who were more assimilated into the White man's lifestyle were forced to move into Alabama if they wanted to remain east of the Mississippi. Many decided to emigrate west against the wishes of the National Creek Council rather than to resettle. However, by 1829, emigration had all but ceased.21 Alabamians, like Georgians, did not want the Creeks to remain; thus, the state government harassed them judicially, as well as in other ways. The Federal Government did nothing to stop the harrassment 22 even though the Creeks pleaded with their "Great Father, the President" and other members of the Federal Government to protect them.23 The treaty of 1832 was a logical sequel to the Removal Act of 1830. This treaty nullified ownership by the Creek Nation of their land east of the Mississippi except for the land designated as reserves. According to the clauses of this treaty, if a Creek remained in Alabama, his life would be totally altered - he lost the right of self-government; Alabama could impose her laws on the Creeks; the Creeks lost their hunting grounds and so were forced to adopt an agricultural lifestyle.24 However, removal was such an anathema to the Creeks, that even with the constraining laws imposed on them by the Federal Government, most who remained chose to stay. Written into the treaty were some laws aimed at protecting the Creeks. One of these involved the removal by the Federal government of illegal squatters. However, the law was impossible to enforce, and life became harder and harder for the remaining Creeks. Many were driven from their homes by the White intruders, their council became useless, the towns disintegrated, and Creeks were killed at random by the White men. In 1836, the Creeks retaliated. Their retaliation, however, provided the Federal Government with the instrument to forcibly remove them from Alabama. Not everyone agreed with this removal policy. Zachary Taylor, who was to become President of the United States in 1849, wrote a letter in 1836 from Fort Crawford at Prairie Du Chien to his friend, Captain William Boyce, sharing his feelings about the actions being taken in Alabama. "I was very much pleased to learn that the order sending you to Alabama had been countermanded, as I felt satisfied that there was nothing gained in a contest with the Creek Indians, or in the performance of any duty in any section of our extensive country to aid in putting down an enemy, civilized or savage, under ordinary circumstances, when there was a prospect of acquiring fame or distinction by `deeds of noble daring'' there is no one who would have rejoiced more at the occurrence than I should, as I know it would not only have met your wishes, but would have been particularly gratify[ing] to you; but I neither desire myself or to see my friends sent to a southern climate at the most unhealthy season of the year, to be employed in suppressing a few hundred miserable naked & half starved Indians, who have been driven to desperation by the most villainous acts of the greatest set of harpies that ever existed. I who have been countenanced by government in cheating, swindling, and I may say robbing said Indians of the small pittance allow'd them by treaty stipulations, when they transferred their country to the U. States; & it is only fair and proper that those who have fattened on the spoils wrested from those people should complete their work of iniquity by exterminating them without the aid of those unconnected with such infamous transactions. I look upon the policy of sending those Indians to reside west of the Mississippi against their consent tantamount if not more objectionable to annihilate them."25 Somebody who was in the Southeast during 1836 was a physician by the name of Motte. He left, unfortunately, an incomplete journal of his observations and experiences during his attachment to the United States Army. Not all Creeks were considered enemies. When Motte found himself among "friendly" Creeks, he spent time describing them. Two descriptions are of note. The first is of a camp of Creeks. From the description, it was a temporary camp and not a permanent settlement. "I embraced the opportunity to visit the Camp of some friendly Indians on the Alabama side of the Chatahooche. After crossing the bridge which connects the two states, and walking a mile up the river bank, I came in sight of their wigwams. These are built of the bark of the pine-tree stretched over four poles driven perpendicularly into the ground. The sides were open, and afforded an entire view of the internal domestic arrangements. This was simple enough, merely a blanket on the ground, upon which were sitting the squaws, engaged in making ornamental moccasins, or chille-pika as they are called in the Creek language; and around them were playing the little naked papooses. Upon a log outside sat the dignified heads of families, engaged either in smoking their pipes, or in the enjoyment of luxurious indolence that dolce far miente so characteristic of the Indians in every tribe. In the chief I found a venerable looking old gentleman, who glorified in the title of Col. Blue. He had served under Gen. Jackson in the last war with the rank of Colonel, which title he had retained in preference of his Indian cognomen of Blue Warrior. He sat in silent grandeur at the entrance of his wigwam; a white flag waving o'er his head in indication of his amity. "It was easy to defy the fascination of the young squaws, their divine forms of redundant proportions not answering to my standard of beauty; corsets and other like miseries of a refined figure not apparently finding favor in their estimation. there were some half-breeds, however, whose brilliant black eyes and beautifully chiselled features, would rival in my estimation many of our celebrated city belles with fairer complexions. "This visit afforded a melancholy theme for reflection during my walk back. There was a people once mighty and magnanimous; who owned no equal; a race intrepid and unslaved, who roved happy and contented o'er the boundless wild, about to be swept from their ancient inheritance by the withering proximity of the white-man; from the fair soil on which their forefathers lived and died. The spirit of time and the spirit of whiskey are indeed working dreadful changes among these once noble savages - nature's chiefs."26 Another description of a camp of the friendly Creeks pointed out the social stratification that was already prevalent even among a group of Indians that were labeled as a unit; ie., "a band of friendly Creek Indians."27 "Their tents are rude and slight, though some of them betray a neatness almost amounting to elegance: for even with these children of nature there are evidently classes or grades. There is, too, an aristocratic or "west end" of the encampment, where the squaws are better dressed - where the papoose swings in a neater cradle - and where the lodges are furnished with cleaner beds and better culinary utensils than in any other quarter."28 The third description was of a band of "friendly" Creeks warriors: "The approaching Indians "proved to be Paddy Carr and his band of a hundred friendly warriors, who instead of being naked, as the negroe's frightened faculties made them appear, they were decked out each in a gaudy scarlet turban having a strip of silver around the circumference, and a scarlet and white scarf thrown over one shoulder over their usual dress of calico hunting-shirt; buckskin leggins and moccasins completed their attire. The white scarf was worn to distinguish them from any hostile Indians we might encounter. Some of them also wore a small looking-glass suspended round the neck, for the purposes of the toilet, and in the hand left unoccupied by the rifle was held a fan, made of the feathers from the tail of a wild-turkey, which as they marched was kept in constant motion. Indeed, this latter article was by no means a superfluous appendage, under a sun darting his rays with torrid fervor. "It was a beautiful sight as we proceeded through the forest path, catching occasional glimpses of sky, and stream, and glade. My elevated position on horseback as I sometimes followed in the rear, enabled me to overlook the extended line of troops as they wound their course through the serpentine path of the pine-woods, Their white cross-belts upon a ground of sky-blue, the colour of their fatigue dress in which they marched, -and black leathern caps glittering in the sun, as they proceeded in double-file, gave them, in their route-step, fluctuating motion, the appearance of a huge snake `winding its slow length along,' the body of leading Indians on horseback in their picturesque dress representing the head. This resemblance was heightened when overlooking them from the summit of an elevated hill, which I frequently had opportunity of doing, on account of the undulating surface over which we marched. Far ahead of all rode Major Paddington on a cream coloured horse, his saddle covered with a scarlet blanket; and at his side hung an Indian bullet pouch or snkcha-hooché, brightly ornamented with partly-coloured beads; his turban distinguished from the rest by the graceful floating of an eagle's feather."29 The description of Paddy Carr is of unusual interest for ten years earlier, he was painted by Charles Byrd King for the McKenney-Hall Portrait Gallery. Although not mentioned by Motte, according to the portrait, Carr had a tattoo in red of the outline of a heart on his left cheek. The heart was surrounded by four black dots, which, in turn, were surrounded by red ones.30 Motte described Paddy Carr as follows: "Paddy Carr is a half-breed Creek of dark complexion, five feet eight or nine inches in height, and handsomely proportioned, tho muscular in his person. He appeared to be about forty years of age; very intelligent in conversation, and has evidently received a good education. He speaks the English language with fluency, and is quite polished in his manners.31" Ironically, while the United States Government was forcing the Creeks to emigrate west, they were also using a large number of Creek warriors to fight against the Seminoles in Florida in the Second Seminole War.32 The Creek warriors who fought in the Second Seminole War left their families in emigrant camps, under the "protection" of the Federal Government.33 A few friendly Creek warriors were, also, left in the camps. Three camps, in Alabama, were designated for the warrior's families - Polecat Springs under Lt. Reynolds, Echo Harja under Lt. Sloan, and Fort Mitchell under Capt. Page.34 Captain Page, who was in charge of all the camps, was besieged by the White citizens of the area to remove all the Indians to Mobile Point. Captain Page was afraid that these White men would kill all the women and children since thse local people made no distinction between friendly and hostile Indians. Page looked on the removal as the only method to protect the innocent Indians. "I hope the Government will take some steps to have them removed out of this Nation to some place. I dislike to see the innocent punished for the guilty and it must be the case so long as they remain here. I have no funds to subsist these people, and the Contractors are calling on me constantly. The Indians were left here pledged by General Jessup to be subsisted by the United States."35 Once the Emigrating Indians, along with the families of the absent warriors, were moved to Mobile Point, the surrounding White citizens wanted them "removed to some of the neighboring islands, wherever they could not escape."36 The White populous had been agitating for several months to have the Indians already located at Mobile Point removed and even went so far as to hold some Indians hostage in inclement weather and without blankets or provisions.37 They also destroyed Indian possessions valued at $8,350 that were housed for safe keeping in Lt. Reynold's quarters. These goods consisted of cattle, bee hives, farming and cooking utensils, etc.38 Many of the families of the warriors engaged on the side of the United States had a lot of baggage to transport to the west. This created two problems: the baggage exceeded the number of pounds authorized and the Alabama Emigrating Company was only required to transport it by water. However, the journey from Little Rock was made by land. The emigrants would not leave without their baggage nor exchange it for monetary remuneration, as urged by the Government Officials.39 By late 1837, the majority of the Creeks had been forced to emigrate to the Indian Territory.40 This emigration included some of the families of the Creek warriors fighting against the Seminoles. This was contrary to the promise made to the warriors before they left.41 However, the same dilemma surrounding removal existed as it had with the Cherokees. The Creeks had to remove to the west by the Treaty of 1830, but they could only remove if free of debts to the White man. They needed advancements by the President of their Removal money; these advancements were not always forthcoming.42 During the late eighteen thirties, the condition of the Creeks was extremely pitiful. Many documents and letters state how many of the Creeks in the east and in the west were in various states of starvation43 and near nudity44 due to, among other reasons, loss of property during removal, lack of blankets upon arrival, and poor transportation to food depots upon arrival west of the Mississippi.45 John Stuart described a party of Creeks on the road near Fort Gibson: "The condition of the Creeks yet on the road to Fort Gibson is most terrible. It is said that they are strewed along this road for a great distance. I know not how far. Many of them are almost naked, and are without shoes. The snow for five days has been from 4 to 8 inches deep and during the first and second days of the Storm, Women and Children were seen bending their way Onward, with most Piteous andheart rending cries, from cold &c. I have not heard any thing from them for the last three days, and whether any of them have perished or not I am unable to say."46 The New York Observer of February 11, 1837, noted the following information garnered from The Journal of Commerce. The information was taken from a letter written on December 25, 1836. Even though the information is fourth hand, it still is consistent with other accounts. "Thousands of them [the Creek Indians] are entirely destitute of shoes or coverings of any kind for their feet; many of them are almost naked, and but few of them anything more on their persons than a light dress, calculated only for the summer, or for a very warm climate; and the weather being warm when they left Alabama, many of them left their heavier articles of clothing, expecting them to be brought on in the steamboats, which has as yet been but partially done. In this destitute condition, they are wading in cold mud, or are hurried on over the frozen ground, as the case may be. Many of them have in this way had their feet frost-bitten; and being unable to travel, fall in the rear of the main party, and in this way are left on the road to await the ability or convenience of the contractors to assist them. Many of them, not being able to endure this unexampled state of human suffering, die, and are thrown by the side of the road, and are covered only with brush, &c. where they remain, until devoured by the wolves."47 A letter to Commissioner of Indian Affairs Harris, dated Cherokee Agency East, 29th May, 1837, described the state of about sixty Creeks who were hiding out in the Cherokee Nation. This letter was written months after their discovery. Upon discovery these Indians were found to be: "....destitute of clothing and without anything to eat.....He [the agent] was told that nine had encamped between where he [the Agent] was and the agency....5 of them had some little clothing, the other 4, a woman and 3 children, were so nearly in a state of nudity, that I [the agent] had to send blankets out for them to cover their nakedness before they would come in. and not a shoe to their feet." 48 This was not the only document that referred to these nine Indians. Other documents of 1837 show that the Superintendent of the Cherokee issued the following supplies for these Creeks: From the United States to Nathaniel Smith, Superintendent -Cherokee Removal.
This same Superintendent, also, purchased other supplies for Creek Indians on Feb. 10th, 1837. From R. T. Hanks, he purchased:
For the many White people who looked upon and treated the Indians with hatred and contempt, there were still individuals who tried to bring the Indians as much comfort and care as they could during the removal. One such person was Lieutenant J. T. Sprague of the United States Marine Corps, who was a Military Agent for the 5th Detachment in the Emigration of the Creeks. Lieutenant Sprague, through his letters to various officials, showed himself to have extreme empathy for the Emigrating Creeks even though his attitude about the innate character of the Indians reflected the general viewpoint of the times in which he lived. Sprague documented his activities in official journals and letters. His basic report was issued in April of 1837 and was addressed to Elbert Herring, Commissioner of Indian Affairs. In this document he reported on the Emigration of a large contingent of Creek Indians from the Kashita and Coweta towns to land west of the Mississippi.51 "On the 3d of August 1836, in compliance with an order from Major General Jesup commanding the Army of the South, I reported to him in person for emigrating duty. After being engaged in the various duties connected with the large bodies of Indians in the vicinity of Tuskegee Al. from the 3d to the 8th inst. I received a verbal order from him to report forth with to the Eusiter [Kashita] and Coweta towns of Indians and prepare them for immediate removal. "On my arrival at the towns on the 10th, I had an interview with the principal Chief Tuck-e-batch-e-hadjo, and urged upon him the necessity of taking immediate measures to prepare his people for emigration. To this, after using every argument against it, he reluctantly consented. His principal reasons were that his people's crops were not gathered - their cattle were not sold, and that the time specified for their departure was earlier than anticipated. The following day, I assembled all the chiefs and explained to them the necessary arrangements to embody their towns in order to transfer them to the charge of the Alabama Emigrating Company upon such a day as might be designated by the Commanding General. They gave no other than a silent acquiescence to my wishes, but expressed among themselves strong feelings of dissatisfaction. I promised them every assistance in disposing of what little they had, but assured them that upon the day fixed for their departure they must be ready. The necessity of their leaving their country immediately was evident to every one; although wretchedly poor they were growing more so every day they remained. A large number of white-men were prowling about, robbing them of their horses and cattle and carrying among them liquors which kept up an alarming state of intoxication. The citizens of the country had no security, for although these Indians had professed the most friendly feelings, no confidence could be placed in them as the best informed inhabitants of the country believed them to be allied with those who had already committed overt acts of hostility. Some families, which had fled to safety, were afraid to return until the country was rid of every Indian. Public indignation was strong against them, and no doubt, the most series consequences would have resulted had not immediate measures been adopted for their removal. "In this state of things, however indignant their feelings or however great the sacrifice, it was but justice to get them out of the country as soon as possible. In the 23d inst. I received orders from the Commanding General to move the party on the 29 inst. The time, however, was prolonged five days to the 3d of September. "On the 1st of September I had in camp near two thousand ready for removal. This number comprised the whole of the two towns, excepting, a few who had been secreted in a swamp from the commencement of the Creek war. These sent an express to know if I would receive them as friends should they come in. I assured them they would be treated like the rest. I heard no more from them until the next night of our march, when they joined the train with their women and children. Their number I could never learn, as they kept themselves aloof lest they might be treated as hostiles; but from other Indians, who were very silent on the subject, I learnt there were from one hundred to one hundred and fifty. The 3d of September I placed all the Indians under my charge in care of Mr. Felix Gibson and Charles Abercrombie, members of the Alabama Emigrating Company, and on the morning of the 5th the party started for Arkansas, arranged to waggons according to the contract. The train consisted of forty five waggons of every description, five hundred ponies and two thousand Indians. The moving of so large a body necessarily required some days to effect an arrangement to meet the comfort and convenience of all. The marches for the first four or five days were long and tedious and attended with many embarrassing circumstances. Men who had ever had claims upon these distressed beings, now preyed upon them without mercy. Fraudulent demands were presented and unless some friend was near, they were robbed of their horses and even clothing. Violence was often resorted to keep off these deprecators to such an extent, that unless forced marches had been made to get out of this and the adjoining counties, the Indians would have been wrought to such a state of desperation that no persuasion could have deterred them from wrecking their vengeance upon all the innocent as well as the guilty. As soon as time and circumstances would permit, proper arrangements were made to secure the Indians, regularly, their rations and transportation. A large herd of cattle were driven ahead of the train which supplied the Party with fresh beef. Two days rations were issued every other day, while corn was issued every day. The Party moved on without any serious inconveniences other than the bad state of the roads and frequent drunken broils, until the 22nd, when from the warmth of the weather and the wearied condition of the Indians, I deemed it expedient to halt for a day's rest. Tuck-e-batch-e-hadjo, the principal Chief, had been desirous of stopping sooner, and had expressed his determination to do so. The condition of the Camp at the time was not a desirable one for a halt, nor was I inclined to indulge him. I ordered the train to proceed. He with reluctance came on. From the first day's march, I saw a disposition in the Indians, among both old and young, to remain behind. From their natural indolence and from their utter disregard for the future, they would straggle in the rear dependent upon what they could beg, steal or find, for support. I used every entreaty to induce them to keep up, but finding this of no avail I threatened them with soldiers and confinement in irons. This had a salutary effect, and was the means of bringing most of them into Camp in good season. On the night of the 24th inst. the Party encamped at Town Creel[k] Al. after twenty days' march averaging about twelve miles a day. I waited on the contractors and requested them to halt the party the day. To this they expressed their unqualified disapprobation and denied my authority to exercise such a power. Their expenses they said were from six to seven hundred dollars pr day, and if such authority were given or implied in the Contract their hopes of making any thing were gone. I assured them that from the condition of the Indians, the common calls of humanity required it, and that one of the stipulations of the Contract was that they should treat the Indians with humanity and forebearance. I ordered the Indians to halt and told the Contractors they could act their own pleasure; either go on with their empty waggons or remain. The Party halted and resumed the journey on the following morning, the 25th. The Indians and horses were evidently much relieved by the day's rest. From this period to the fifth of October our marches were long owing to the great scarcity of water; no one time, however, exceeding twenty miles. The Indians in large numbers straggled behind, and many could not get to camp til after dark. These marches would not have been so burdensome had proper attention been paid to the starting of the Party in the morning. It was necessary that their baggage as well as their children should be put in the waggons, and the sick and feeble sought out in the different part of the Camp. But this was totally disregarded. I reminded the Contractors that the Party now required the utmost attention, that unless they were strictly seen to, we should not at night have more than half the Indians in Camp. To this they were indifferent, saying, that they must keep up or be left. Early in the morning the waggons moved off, the Agents at the head, leaving those behind to take care of themselves; they are men it is true, but it is well known that they are totally incapable of it, and its proverbial that they will never aid each other. To this course of proceeding I remonstrated, and the tenth article of the Contract which authorizes the Officer to make any expenditure contributing to the comfort and convenience etc. I put in execution, which relieved the Indians from the destitute situation in which they would otherwise have been placed. My letters to the Contractors accompanying this report embrace the period and well explain to you more fully the course I was compelled to adopt. It, however, affords me pleasure to say, that upon a better knowledge of their obligations, they very readily consented to pay the expenses which accrued in keeping up the rear. On the 5th of October I again halted the Party, and rested one day. To this the Contractors objected and seemed determined to drive the Indians into their mocasans. The 7th the party again moved on and on the 9th inst. encamped near Memphis, Tenn. Great inconvenience was experienced upon the entire route for the want of Depots of provisions. There was no time when the proper rations were not issued, but from the frequent necessity of gathering and hauling corn, the Indians were often obliged to take their rations after dark. This caused great confusion and many were deprived of their just share. Though the neglect of these Agents in not bringing up the rear of the Party deserves the severest reprehension, yet, I must in frankness acknowledge that there were many who [would] not come up under the most favourable circumstances. This, however, was no apology for not bringing up those who would or at least making an effort. If liquor could be found upon the road, or within four or six miles of it, men and women would congregate there, and indulge in the most brutal scenes of intoxication. If any white-man broke in upon these bacchanals he did it at the imminent hazard of his life. Often in this state, they would come reeling and singing into camp late at night, threatening the lives of all who came within their reach - alarming the citizens of the country, and not unfrequently creating the most indignant feelings among the sober Indians towards all the white-men who were about them. The[y] would taunt them as cowards and dare them to join them in some nefarious act. Without the means of quelling such restless spirits by the strong arm of power, the most kind and conciliatory feelings should have been evinced towards them. But unfortunately for me, these Agents entertained no such sentiments. At Memphis I met a number of the Contractors and before them I laid my complaints and convinced them, that if no remedy was provided, I was determined to relieve the Company of their charge of the Indians, and take the arduous responsibility of taking them to Arkansas myself. The President of the Company in a highly honourable manner declared that nothing should be left undone to meet the wishes of the Officers of the Government. These Agents I either wanted dismissed or taught the first lesson of the obligations they had assumed. One of the Agents left the party, and it was afterwards in charge of Mr. Gibson and Gilman. Here, I think, Mr. Gibson for the first time read the contract, and I found in him ever after a willingness to comply with what I considered expedient for the comfort and convenience of the Indians. With such indications of a proper interpretation and understanding of the contract, and upon the assurances of the most respectable men belonging to the Company, I could have no hesitation in giving them an opportunity to redeem their pledges. "At Memphis we remained from the 9th of October until the 27th. The Mississippi was here to be crossed, and the Company were much disappointed in not finding their steam boats as they anticipated. The boats, however, arrived on the 11th. Captain Bateman's party were the first to cross. Lieutenant Scriven's was the second, and my own the third. Lieutenant Deas' and Mr. Campbells' parties were in the rear. The assembling of thirteen thousand Indians at this one point, necessarily made our movements slow. The detention was of advantage to the Indians as it gave them the rest and afforded the sick and feeble an opportunity to recover. The required rations were furnished them regularly. The Common Council of the City passed an ordinance prohibitting the sale of liquor52, which added greatly to the comfort and peace and security of the citizens. The Mississippi swamp at this season was impassable for waggons, and it was agreed that the horses should go through while the women and children with the baggage took steam boats to Rock Row. This place was attained by descending the Mississippi about one hundred miles to the mouth of White River, and ascending this river about seventy miles, and thereby avoiding a swamp about fifty miles in breadth. "Finding that the embarkation of the parties that proceeded mine would cause much delay, a mutual agreement was affected between the Chiefs, the Contractors and myself to take the party up the Arkansas river to Little Rock. The advantages to be gained by this were evident; it put us ahead of all the other parties, secured us an abundant supply of provisions,53 and avoided a tedious journey of one hundred and fifty miles on foot. A commodious steam boat was procured and upon this and two flat boats, I put, as near as could be estimated, fifteen hundred women & children and some men, with their baggage. The men amounting to some six or seven hundred passed through the swamp with their horses, in charge of my assistant Agent Mr. Freeman. I received every assurance that upon the route, the necessary provision was made for them. On board the boats, an abundance of corn and bacon was stored for the party to subsist upon until we should reach Little Rock. On the 27th the boat started. The Indians were comfortably accommodated, sheltered from the severity of the weather and from the many sufferings attending a journey on foot. The boats stopped at night for them to cook and sleep, and in the morning, resumed the journey. The current of the Arkansas being so strong at this time, it was found expedient to leave a part of the Indians until the boat could go up and return. These were left in the care of an Agent with the necessary supplies. On the 3rd of November we arrived at Little Rock. The larger portion of the party, which passed through the swamp, joined us on the 4th. Many remained behind and sent word that when they had got bear skins enough to cover them they would come on. Here they felt independent, game was abundant, and they were almost out of reach of the white-men. At first, it was my determination to remain at Little Rock until the whole part should assemble. But from the scarcity of provisions and the sale of liquor, I determined to proceed up the country about fifty miles and there await the arrival of all the Indians. Tuck-e-batch-e-hadjo refused to go. `He wanted nothing from the white-men and should rest.' Every resting place with him was where he could procure a sufficiency of liquor. The petulant and vindictive feelings which the Chief so often evinced, detracted very much from the authority he once exercised over his people. But few were inclined to remain with him. The 12th we encamped at Pott's, the place designated for the concentration of the whole party. My assistant Agent, together with three Agents of the company, returned immediately to bring up and subsist all in the rear. Some of them went as far back as the Mississippi swamp. They collected, subsisted and transported all they could get to by every argument and entreaty. "A body of Indians under a secondary Chief Narticher-tus-tennuger expressed their determination to remain in the swamp in spite of every remonstrance; They evinced the most hostile feelings and cautioned the white-men to keep away from them. The 14th the steam boat that returned from Little Rock to bring up those left on the Arkansas, arrived at our encampment with Tuck-e-batch-e-hadjo and his few adherents on board. On this boat the following day, I put all the sick, feeble and aged; placed them in charge of Doctor Hile the Surgeon of the party, with instructions to proceed to Fort Gibson, and then be governed by the proper officer of that place. This party arrived at their place of destination on the 22d inst., and were received by the officer of the proper department. The Agents bringing up the rear arrived at Camp on the 17th. Those in the swamp still persisted in their determination to remain. Neither the Agents or myself had any means by which we could force them into proper measures, most conducive to their comfort and progress. The season being far advanced and the weather daily, becoming, more severs, I ordered the party to proceed the following morning. The sufferings of the Indians at this period were intense. With nothing more than a cotton garment thrown over them, their feet bare, they were compelled to encounter cold sleeting storms, and to travel over hard frozen ground. Frequent appeals were made to me to clothe their nakedness and to protect their lacerated feet. To this I could do no more than what came within the provisions of the Contract. I ordered the party to halt on the 22d and proceeded again on the 23d. The weather was still severe, but delay only made our condition worse. The steam boat on its return from Fort Gibson, fortunately, found us encamped near the river Spadra. On board of her I succeeded in getting nearly the whole party, amounting now to some sixteen hundred souls. the boat started again for Fort Gibson on the 24th. Those that determined to go up by land were all mounted or in waggons and I directed them to proceed as fast as possible. On the 30th we learnt that, owing to the rapid fall of the Arkansas the boat had grounded. We soon came in the vicinity of her, waggons were provisioned and this body from the boat soon joined those on shore. The Indians here were frequently intoxicated. They procured liquor from other Indians residents of the country, and the artifices of both combined no man could detect. On the 7th of December, when within eighteen miles of Fort Gibson I again halted the party, and agents were sent back to bring up all that could be found in the rear. This being done we started the following morning, and arrived at Fort Gibson on the 11th inst. By the order of Brigadier General Arbuckle I encamped the party in the vicinity of the Fort. Many reports were in circulation that the Creeks settled in the country were inimical to the emigrants, and it was deemed advisable to have a perfect understanding among all parties previous to entering their new country. This was affected to the satisfaction of all. Two agents belonging to my party, who had remained behind, arrived on the 15th, bringing on all they could find or rather all that were willing to come. A few they said were behind. As soon as I was satisfied that all were present that could be brought up, I had the number counted, as circumstances would admit. The number present was twenty two hundred and thirty-seven. The number, for which I required the company for rations and transportation, was two thousand and eighty seven; leaving one hundred and fifty that were not entitled. the number, no doubt, were the hostiles who joined the train on the march. I could never obtain from the Indians, nor from any one identified with them, any satisfactory information respecting their number or how they subsisted. Their friends, doubtless, shared their rations with them to prevent them being enrolled, lest they might be treated with adversity. I gave them every assurance of friendship, but it had no avail. On the 20th inst. the Officers of the Government appointed to receive the Emigrating Creeks, acknowledged the receipt of my entire party. To Captain Stephenson of the Army, who performs the task, I am greatly indebted for the many facilities he granted me in the performance of my duties. He is untireing in the department assigned to him and discharges his obligations with promptness and fidelity. After the Indians had received the blankets in compliance with the treaty, I proceeded with the larger portion of them to their country assigned them, thirty five miles beyond Fort Gibson. I encamped them upon a prairie, and they soon after scattered in every direction, seeking a desirable location for their new homes. The better understanding of the contract by the Agents, and the establishment of depots of provisions on the route from the Mississippi, contributed greatly to facilitate our progress, and to the `comfort and convenience' of the Indians. The duties of the officers in charge of these parties being so much at variance with the interests of the Company, differences of opinion will unavoidably occur. The requirements of the Indians are against the interests of the Company. One party is activated by interest, the other by humanity. I was there to protect the rights of the Indian; the course was a straight one and I persued it. But though these misunderstandings did occur, the agents accompanying the parties deserve great credit for their perseverance. The ready acquiescence of the Agents of my detachment to all my wishes, after crossing the Mississippi, deserves my decided approbation; they were unremitting in every emergency. "The excessive bad state of the roads, the high waters, and the extreme cold and wet weather, was enough to embarrass the strongest minds. The distance travelled by the Pary from Chambers County, Alabama to their last encampment, was eight hundred miles by land and four hundred twenty five by water; occupying ninety six days. The health of the Indians upon the entire route was much better than might [have] been anticipated. Twenty nine deaths were all that occurred; fourteen of these were children and the others were the aged, feeble and intemperate. The unfriendly disposition of the Indians towards the whites from the earliest history of our country, is known by everyone. To what extent this feeling existed in the party under my charge, I cannot with confidence say, for it was seldom expressed but when in a state of intoxication. But if this be a fair criterion, I have no hesitation in saying it was of the most vindictive and malignant kind. To say they were not in a distressed and wretched condition, would be in contradiction to the well known history, of the Creeks for the last two years. They were poor, wretchedly and depravedly poor, many of them without a garment to cover their nakedness. To this there was some exception, but this was the condition of a larger portion of them. They left their country in a warm season of the year, thinly clad, and characteristically indifferent to their rapid approach to the vigours of a climate to which they were unacustommed, they expended what little they had for intoxicating drinks or for some gaudy article of jewelry . "So long a journey, under the most favourable auspices must necessarily be attended with suffering, and fatigue. they were in a deplorable condition when they left their homes, and a journey of upwards of a thousand miles could not certainly improve it. There was nothing within the provisions of the Contract by which the Alabama Emigrating Company could contribute to their wants, other than the furnishing of rations and transportation, and a strict compliance with the demands of the Officers of the Government; these demands unquestionably, must come within the letter and spirit of the Contract. All these they complied with. The situation of the Officers of the Government at the head of these parties was peculiarly responsible and embarrassing. They were there to protect the rights of the Indians, and secure to them all the Government designed for them. These Indians looking up to these officers as a part of the Government, not only appealed for their rights, but their wants. They could sympathize with them, as everyone must who saw their condition, but could not relieve them. They had nothing, within their power, for in a pecuniary point they were scarcely better off than those they were willing to assist. All that the contract granted was secured to them. But all this, could not shield them from the severity of the weather, cold sleeting storms, and hard-frozen ground. "Had a few thousand dollars been placed at the disposal of the officer which he could have expended at his discretion, the great suffering, which all ages, especially the young, were subjected to, might have been in a measure avoided. But as it was, the officer was obliged to listen to their complaints without any means of redress. Captain Bateman's was the first party to arrive at Fort Gibson, my own was the second, Mr. Campbell's the third, Lt. Scriven's the fourth and Lt. Deas' the fifth. I have conversed with all these Gentlemen since the delivery of their parties, excepting Mr. Campbell, and I believe they will concur with me fully in my views and opinions. With all these Officers I held almost daily intercourse when upon the road, and I can bear testimony to the faithful discharge of the arduous duties that desolved upon them. They all complained of the difficulty in making the Indians keep up with the moving train."54 During this removal, Sprague continually tried to bring to the attention of officials the lack of proper care and treatment by the companies contracted to move the Indians west, especially by some members of the Alabama Emigrating Company.55 The following text comprised the last two pages of Sprague's account of the Creek Emigration. "The following is an extract of a letter from Lt. Deas who was in the rear, addressed to me when I was waiting the arrival of my party from the rear. "`The Agent of the company with my party requests me to write you upon the subject of your Indians that have remained behind your party. He says that he has ample means to bring up all that straggle from whatever party, and it is not my intention to allow any of the emigrating Indians to remain upon the route of emigration if I can possibly prevent it.' " Sprague, then continued with his portion of the letter having finished relating the portion by Lt. Deas. "Many exaggerated reports are in circulation respecting the miserable condition of these emigrating Indians. Let these be traced to the proper source and it will be found that the white-man with whom they have been associated for years past have been the principal cause. There is enough in support of this opinion. It is only necessary to advert to the allegations, in many instances well established, of the lands of the Indians having been purchased by some of the citizens at prices much below their real value, or of the purchase money having been in whole or in part withheld; to the prosecutions for valid or fictitious debts commenced at the moment of their departure for the west, and thereby extorting from them what little money they had. "Had they been permitted to retain the fair proceeds of their lands, they would have had the means of procuring any additional supplies required for their comfort. "The stipulations of the treaty were fairly executed; all that was to be furnished the Indians was provided, and if these were inadequate to their comfortable removal and subsistence, no blame can be attached to the Agents of the Alabama Emigrating Company or to the Officers of the Government."56 The only reason that the entirety of the journal has been reproduced is so as not to distort any of the information by omission. While Sprague's Removal Party showed an increase in number upon arrival at Fort Gibson, this situation was not true of all parties. The Deas Removal Pary that started in May of 1837 demonstrated that unless guarded, some of the Creeks escaped into the surrounding area.57 The descriptions of the Creek Indians in the first third of the eighteenth century varied from terrifying warriors to beggarly, garbed individuals as well as to those others, both full blood and mixed, who wore clothes of varying combinations of white-American and Indian. The following description of some Indian warriors in 1818, contextually, seems to refer to Creek Indians. This assumption is based on the fact that these warriors are described on page nineteen of the manuscript while on page eighteen a reference is made to the fact that many of the Indians in question were Creek. In addition, these Indians were located in Camden County, Georgia which borders on North Eastern Florida. In 1818, Darius Barber and his seven children were massacred in Camden County, Georgia leaving only his wife alive. "The next week the warriors assembled to set out upon their intended expedition - their military appearance was old and terrible - they cut off all their hair, except a spot on the crown of their head, and plucked out their eye-brows - the lock which they left upon their heads they divided into several parcels, each of which they stiffened and intermixed with birds and feathers of various shapes and colors, twisting and connecting the whole together. they painted themselves with red pigment, down to the eyebrows, which they sprinkled over with white down. they slit the gristle of their ears almost quite round, and hung them with ornaments that generally had the figure of some bird or beast, drawn upon them - Their noses (which were bored) were likewise hung with beads and their faces painted with various colors - on their breasts they wore a gorget or medal of brass or copper, and by a string around their necks was suspended that horrid weapon the scalping knife."58 Since New Orleans was not Creek Indian territory, the following description of some Creek Indians might not seem to be representative; however, many accounts of the early nineteenth century make reference to the starving appearance of the Southeastern Indians. Paul Wilhelm, Duke of Württemberg, noted this condition in his description of the Indians he saw in new Orleans. "Of the aborigines one sees only sad remnants in single families of Choctaws and Creeks wandering around town half-naked and ragged, selling trophies of the hunt and woven mats and baskets. Reeking of filth, full of vermin and usually drunk, these repulsive survivors of once mighty tribes now exhibit scarcely any signs of their nationality except the color of their skin. So degraded have they become that the most careful and keenest of observers strains in vain to discover anything of a national characteristic which might remind him of their powerful forefathers."59 Europeans continued to visit the southeast and describe the Indians that they encountered. One of these Europeans was Adam Hodgson who passed through the Creek territory in 1820 and wrote about the Creeks: "The dress of the Indians is very picturesque, and frequently very splendid, the scalping knife always forming a part of it, and the belts and the hems of their outer garments being often very highly ornamented.....The dress of the young men under 17 and 18, is like a loose dressing gown, which they occasionally close around them. The women generally are clumsy, dirty, and greasy, with long black hair, and a perpetual scowl upon their face. I saw only two handsome ones......I believe when they are dressed in their gala clothes, they look much better. They are very fond of ornaments, particularly of silver. I saw one of them in her common dress selling poultry at the little inn, with four circular plates of silver hanging from her neck, the largest of which was at least two and a half inches in diameter, but very thin. I am told they have frequently fifteen or twenty."60 Other parties of Europeans also traveled throughout North America. Two of these separate parties consisted of a Frenchman, Lafayette, and his entourage and an Englishman, Captain Basil Hall, and his wife, Margaret. General Lafayette, his secretary Levasseur, and others toured parts of America in 1824 and 1825. Part of his trip included various places in the southeast. While traversing the area in the vicinity of Macom, Georgia, he came to the lodging of a fur trader and saw two Indians seated before the door. The following quotation is translated directly from the original French. In 1828, a book appeared, written in English, entitled Conversations Principally on The Aborigines of North America. The book contains supposed conversations between a mother and daughter in praise of the Indians of the Southeastern United States. On page 151, the "fictitious" mother quotes from an article written by Mr. Le Vasseurs [Levasseur] from his journal of his tour with Lafayette among the Creek Indians. In the book, Conversations Principally....., it is not clear whether the quotation is from the publication of Levasseur's book or from an article that he may have written previous to publication. What is important to note is that in Conversations Principally.... the quotation is not correctly translated in reference to certain aspects of both Indians' garb. The following quotation is a direct translation from the French. The mistake found in the book, Conversations Principally...., will be noted. "At our arrival we found two Indians seated in front of the door, the one young, the other man grown, and both of remarkable stature and beauty, They were dressed in short tunics, of material light and fringed, fastened around their bodies by a belt embellished with small beads of a thousand colors. They wore wrapped with much elegance around their heads, shawl of lively colors; their footwear of buckskin covered their leg to below the knee."61 [They either wore leggings that appeared to be part of their moccasins or moccasins with a high flap. The former was probably correct.] This second phrase of the last sentence is completely incorrect in Conversations Principally....It reads: "Their trousers of sheep skin reached down to their knees."62 The French text in Lafayette En Amérique reads: "leur chaussures de peau de daim couvraient la jambe jusqu'au-dessus du genou."63 It is interesting to note, that according to Levasseur, the younger Indian had a college education in the United States but decided to return to his brothers because he preferred that life to that of civilized men (hommes civilisés)64. It is, also, interesting to note that the older Indian played the fiddle65. Levasseur not only described the Indian men, but also, described two Indian women. "They wore long, white tunics with a draperie of scarlet over their shoulders. Their hair was long and black and floated freely. Around their necks they wore necklaces of four or five rows of pearls and in their ears large pendants of silver which are the principal ornament of Indian women."66 Not long after meeting the above mentioned Indian men and women, Lafayette and his party observed an Indian ball-play game. "All the [Indian] men had come together at the place; had shed, in part, their clothes. Their faces were painted whimsically in assorted colors. Some wore, as a distinction, feathers in their hair."67 In 1828, Captain Basil Hall, an Englishman, viewed a similar game and, also, described it. "On the evening of the second day, after leaving Columbus, we reached the house of another of the United States Agents, who resides among the Indians, and is one of the channels of communication between them and the government. We could not have arrived at a more fortunate moment, as it was the eve of their grand ball-plays; an exhibition, the agent told us, well worth seeing --from its being a perfectly genuine, unsophisticated display of the Indians who had resided on the spot from time immemorial. The play itself was to take place next morning; but our considerate host advised me to see the preparatory ceremonies, and very kindly offered to accompany me to one of their council squares, distant about a league from his house."68 During the ceremonies prior to the game, certain of the of the women performed a dance. "These damsels wore no head-dress, but allowed their black, oily hair to hang down upon their backs, over which was thrown a shawl, most decorously, a gaudy cotton shawl -- weaved, for aught I know, in Manchester or Paisley."69 On the day of the game, Hall set out to observe the preparation for the actual ball-play. "On moving a little farther on, we came to various parties at their toilet. Some of these dandies of the woods were busily employed in painting one eye black, the other yellow. Several youths, more wealthy than the rest, I suppose, were thrusting long black feathers into their turbans, or cloths which they wound round their heads, much in the style of Orientals. Others were fitting their naked bodies with tails, to resemble tigers or lions, having already daubed and streaked themselves over from head to foot with a variety of colours, intended to set off the coppery tinge of their own red skins - anxious that art might cooperate as far as might be with nature, in making them look as much like wild beasts as possible."70 When both groups of players came together on the field, Basil Hall thought that they looked like Captain Cook's Islanders. "This resemblance was heightened by the similarity of the dress, or rather of the undress; for, with the exception, of an occasional wrapper across the brow, and a small, square, dark-coloured cloth, tied by a slender cord round the middle, most of them were exactly as Dame Nature turned them out of hand."71 Basil Hall not only described the Indians that he saw with words, but used a device called a Camera Lucida. This instrument, while not a camera in the typical sense, enabled the user to create exact replicas of figures, landscapes etc. These were, then, transferred to plates to create etchings. Captain Basil Hall Both these chiefs' outfits demonstrate how the Indians adapted the White man's clothes to create their own style. (Facing the picture), the chief on the right appears to wear a white man's long shirt over either trousers or pantaloons. One cannot tell which garment he is wearing, if either, because the lower half of his leg is covered by leggings bound by fabric below the knee. These appear to go inside the moccasins. Around his neck is a cravat and on his head a full turban. This turban is worn differently from the one worn by the Indian on the left. The turban appears to be puffed out on top. Over all the described garments he wears a great coat. The Chief on the left appears to wear a hunting shirt type tunic edged with ruffles at the armscyes (arm holes) and at the hem. It is hard to tell whether he is wearing full length leggings or has trousers or pantaloons tucked into his knee high leggings, which could be bound in a similar manner to the Chief on the right. He, also, could be wearing a long shirt under his hunting coat with a cravat at his neck. The turban that he is wearing on his head is less full and wound more tightly with excess material hanging down in back.72 The Green Corn Dance was a festival that was held once a year in the summer to celebrate the readiness of the new corn for roasting. Two festivals will be described - one from 1812 and the other from 1835. Both accounts were written by White men who observed the preparations and actual festival. The first description was written by Green Beauchamp, Esq. "The Indians, men, women, and children in their best clothes, and what whites were present, stood talking and laughing as at any other gathering for pleasure. Presently the young men and warriors quietly disappeared from the crowd. [Upon reappearing] They were stripped now to the breech clout, and painted from head to foot with stripes and spots."73 John Howard Payne travelled in the southeast during the summer and fall of 1835. He described the festival and the dress of the Indians who attended and participated in it in a letter to his sister dated August 9, 1835. "I cannot describe to you my feelings as I first found myself in the Indian country. We rode miles after miles in the native forest.......At length we met a native in his native land. He was galloping on horseback. His air was Oriental; he had a turban, a robe of fringed and gaudily-figured calico, scarlet leggings, and beaded belts, garters and pouch."74 "Chiefs were standing around the sides and corners [of the houses of the sacred square] alone, and opposite to each other, their eyes riveted on the earth and motionless as statues. Every building within was filled with crowds of silent Indians, those on the back rows seated in the Turkish fashion, but those in front with their feet to the ground. All were turbaned, all fantastically painted; all in dresses varying in ornament but alike in wildness. One chief wore a tall black hat, with a broad, massy silver band around it, and a peacock's feather; another had a silver skull-cap, with a deep silver bullion fringe down to his eyebrows, and plates of silver from his knee descending his tunic. Most of them had the eagle-plume, which only those may wear who have slain a foe. A number wore military plumes in various positions about their turbans, and one had a tremendous tuft of black feathers declining from the back of his head over his back, while another's head was all shaven smooth, excepting a tuft across the centre from the back to the front, like the crest of a helmet."75 "I saw them dressing for the ceremony [a Gun-Dance], if it may be called dressing to throw off nearly every part of a scanty covering; but the Indians are especially devoted to dress their way. Some of them went aside to vary their costume with nearly every dance."76 "And now entered a long train of females [the female dancers], all dressed in long gowns, like our ladies, but all with gay colors and bright shawls of various hues, beads innumerable upon their necks, and tortoise-shell combs in their hair; ears bored all around the rim, from top to bottom, and from every bore a massy eardrop, very long, and generally of silver. A selected number of dancers wore under their robes, and girded upon their calves, large squares of thick leather, covered all over with terrapin-shells, closed together and perforated, and filled with pebbles, which rattled like so many sleigh-bells...The dresses of all the women were so long as nearly to conceal the feet, but I saw that some had no shoes nor stockings, while others were sandalled.77 The shawls were principally worn like mantles [coverings worn draped over the shoulder]. Broad ribbons in great profusion and of every variety of hue, hung from the back of each head to the ground, and, as they moved, these, and the innumerable sparkling beads of glass and coral and gold, gave the wearers an air of graceful and gorgeous and at the same time unique wildness."78 "The chief, Apotheola, [Opothle Yahola] had two daughters there. Both were very elegant girls, but the eldest delighted me exceedingly. She seemed about seventeen or eighteen; she is tall and of a fine figure. Her carriage is graceful and elegant and quite European. She had a white muslin gown, a small black scarf embroidered with flowers in brilliant colors, an embroidered white collarette (I believe you call it)79, gold chains, coral beads, gold and jeweled ear-rings (single ones, not in the usual Indian superabundance), her hair beautifully dressed in the Parisian style, and a splendid tortoise shell comb, gemmed, and from one large tuft of hair upon one temple to that upon the other there passed a beautiful gold ornament. Her sister's headdress was nearly the same."80 Various artists portrayed the Creek Indians. Some are well known, like Charles Bird King, and some not well known, like George Washington Sully and Ferdinand Pettrich. George Washington Sully was the nephew of the painter Thomas Sully. He was not a painter by trade, but a cotton broker. He lived in the Florida Panhandle from about 1829-1833 and painted landscapes and some portraits of Lower Creeks.81 82 Sully Portraits The other man who wears a turban has his made out of a blue patterned piece of material. He, however, has three roaches [tufts] of horse or deer hair emanating from the crown of his head. These roaches are dyed red with black at their base. His robe, also, appears to be white but is made to fit closely around his neck. His collar is blue and extends over the shoulder but is then cut in a circular fashion so it meets in two square corners at the front. It is held on with a brooch. The third Lower Creek does not wear a turban; instead, he has a piece of red and white material loosely wound once around his head with the ends hanging down. He has three white feathers attached to the crown of his head. Over his robe he wears a white fringed red mantle or cape that ends a little above his elbows.83 The other little known artist was Ferdinand Pettrich who did portraits of distinguished Indians in his Washington Studio. He did his work in 1837. He placed his art work, which was full sized, on the four walls of his studio. In 1842, the art work was reduced in size and presented as lithographs. He did not draw many Creek Indians. Of the ones that he did draw, he drew their headdresses in detail. All the Indians are wearing some form of roach, but only some are wearing a cloth wrapped around the head. None of the cloths represent turbans. Instead they are narrower pieces of material that are wrapped a few times around the head from the forehead over the ears and around the base of the skull. The roaches that he depicted were of various types. All were attached to the crown of the head if they were not formed by the owner's own hair. One type consisted of mearly one roach of hair. Another consisted of more than one with some added feathers. The third type appeared to be made of various uniform roaches attached at equal intervals to a woven circular band of hair at the crown of the head. One of the pictures (Plate 2, Creek #10) shows a Creek man reclining. For ornamentation, he wore the circular headdress of roaches and a short necklace. He wore a breech clout with leggings attached to his waist by a thong and moccasins. Around his shoulders is draped a blanket. Plate 4, #8 shows a Creek man smoking the Peace pipe. It is very similar to the one that appears in plate 2. Pettrich drew Creeks leggings in great detail. They extended to the mid thigh and were made loose enough to be able to be gathered by a garter just below the knee. The garter was simply a piece of material. The leggings were joined at the outer edge. One side of the seam was decorated by beads and the other by a contrasting band and a fringe. The bottom draped over the flap of the moccasin. The moccasin was gathered around the inner edge and has a flap.84 The last artist's work to be presented is that of Charles Bird King who was responsible for most of the work in the McKenney-Hall Collection. McKenney-Hall # 3 All the men pictured wore some type of outer garment that has simultaneously been called a robe, tunic, or hunting shirt. Different primary authors used different words to describe garments that could look the same although they were not necessarily the same; for example, a specific robe did not necessarily look like a specific tunic, nor did all hunting shirts resemble each other. This can and does lead to confusion because all the words can stand for a variety of dress. The ones portrayed by Charles Bird king are all outer garments and most are open down the front. Even though he painted only busts of his subjects, it is known that these outer garments did not, usually, extend much below mid thigh. These garments could vary in material used, simplicity of style, decorations around the armscyes, and types of collar. All were open down the front and had V-style necklines. The fabric pictured is plain, with stripes, or with small prints. All colors seem to be used with a predominance of red, blue, and yellow. The shoulders of this time period were all drop shoulders. The sleeves could either fit the armscye gathered or ungathered. Sometimes the armscye was corded or bordered with a ruffle, forming almost a small outer sleeve. There are no instances shown where the sleeves were of a different fabric. They could end in a ruffle, a band and a ruffle, or be devoid of any ornamentation. All the sleeves at this period of time were relatively tight fitting. Most of the coats had collars attached to the necklines. Charles Bird King depicted a variety of them. Some of the collars were very narrow and appeared as extensions of the coat itself while others reached across the shoulders and looked like capes. While most of the collars were of the same material as the coat, some were of a contrasting color. McKenney-Hall # 4 Underneath the outer garment, the men always wore a shirt and, sometimes, a waistcoat as well. The shirts were of a plain or ruffled front and, usually, a high collar. Around the neck and over the collar a form of cravat was worn. The points of the collar extended over the cravat. The cravat was usually made of black fabric but other colors could be used as well. Over either the right or left shoulder was a bandolier, often intricately beaded, that was attached to a pouch at the hip. This, also, could be intricately beaded, fringed, and decorated. Some of the men pictured by King wore earrings, gorgets, and silver arm bands. The headdresses varied greatly. King painted some of the younger men without any head coverings; however, all the older ones wore various types. Some simply consisted of cloth wrapped around the head; others wore turbans with high crowns and graced with a feather; while still others wore turbans that were rolled in front and puffed out on top. These had a low crown and ornamentation on the side. Two other types of headdresses were depicted by King. One of these has been described by others. It involved one end of the fabric reaching below the shoulder while the other end was tied around the head. On top of the material was a silver head band that resembled a crown. From the top of the headdress emanated black and white feathers. McKenney-Hall # 5 Some of the men's faces were tattooed in circles and lines, while some of the others were decorated with paint. William McIntosh's outfit was different enough from the others and needs to be treated separately. He wore a white shirt with a ruffled front, a cravat, and a red and white checkered tunic type outer garment. Over this latter garment, he wore what appears to be a cape with a deep fringed collar that extended beyond his shoulders. On his head, he wore a headband of silver under which was a hat of fur garnished with pearls and feathers. Frederick Hodge in his Handbook of American Indians, volume 1, page 782, specified that William MacIntosh (also spelled McIntosh) was the son of a Scottish trader (his exact title varies) and an Indian woman. The reason this lineage information is pertinent is that some authors have stated that Creek Indian males in the early nineteenth century adopted a pattern of dress similar to the Scottish highlanders. A notation to that fact is found in a translation of a few pages from the book Account of the Indians of North America by Eugène A. Vail which was published in 1840. "The Creeks, the Cherokees and the other southern tribes, were those most associated with the whites. They have almost all adopted clothing, especially the chiefs who, almost without exception, have been dressed at the expense of the government of the United States; they present a singular contrast of face, features, gait and movement, graceful when they are free, awkward when they are constrained. "We have it is true for contrast, seen some chiefs of the latter, like M. Mintosh [Monsieur McIntosh], for example, dressed fantastically; but their costume was borrowed and imitated that of the Scotch mountaineer whose picturesqueness is known, and has nothing of the originality of the people of the forest."85 This information needs to be dissected from two aspects. Firstly, it needs to be remembered that at that period of time, most of the leaders were mixed bloods, some like John Ross being predominantly White. Secondly, others like William McIntosh (MacIntosh) were of direct Scotch paternal descent so it is not unlikely that they would have adopted garb that was already familiar to them. This is further significant because it mitigates the statement made by some authors that the Creeks wore clothing borrowed from the Scottish highlanders. If one is Scottish by descent, then one is not borrowing clothing alien to one's own background. McKenney Hall # 6 The men, whose portraits were painted by King, were a select few who went to Washington as various representatives of the Creek Nation and posed in a studio setting for their portraits. In contrast to those men who went to Washington, Basil Hall saw the Indians in their immediate surroundings. In his first impression he probably summed up the general consensus among the hite population concerning their character and mien. However, as Hall's exposure widened, especially through viewing the ball-play, mentioned previously, he was able to evaluate the cause for the wretched condition of so many of them, and his attitude changed. "On the 1st of April 1828, we [Hall and his party] crossed the river Chatahoochie, and entered the country of the Creek Indians. At the Agency, and along the sides of the road, for a considerable distance, we saw crowds of those miserable wretches who had been dislodged from their ancient territory to the eastward of the river, but had not yet taken root in the new lands allotted to them. It is true, they had received a pecuniary compensation on the extinction of their titles to the land of their forefathers; yet they were men of far to impoverished habits to have brought their new lands into cultivation; and consequently, when their stock was expended, they were left in a state bordering on starvation........But to these poor Indians who had lived chiefly by hunting, and whose farming operations were confined to a garden near their huts, the labour of clearing a new country was quite out of the question; and great numbers of them actually perished from want. The United States, however, I was glad to see, was assisting them with provisions and clothing, and I have no doubt relieved their distress materially. As we left the Chatahoochie behind us, and traveled through the woods to the westward, we gradually lost sight of that part of the Creek tribe who were wandering about like bees whose hive has been destroyed, and came upon Indians of the same race, who were still allowed to live on the lands which had descended to them from their ancestors."86 "Heretofore I had hardly ever seen Indians, excepting lounging about on the roadsides, wrapped in dirty blankets, begging for tobacco, or stealing, like strange dogs, timorously, and more than half tipsy, through the streets. At all events, I had so little idea that the race was possessed either of activity or of any beauty of form, that had I been asked, the day before this ball-play, what I thought of the Indians in these respects, I might have answered, that they were all bow-legged, slouchy, ungraceful, and inactive. Whereas, in point of fact, the very reverse of all this is true."87 10. Ibid., p. 39. 14. Annie Abel, "The History of Events Resulting in Indian Consolidation" from The Annual Report of the American Historical Society, p. 336. 23. National Archives Microfilm M234, roll 237. Letter to Hon John Eaton, April 12, 1829 from members of the Creek nation. 25. Zachary Taylor's letter to Captain William Boyce. Written July 29th, 1836. Zachary Taylor, folder #1. Thomas Gilcrease Museum. Tulsa, OK. 27. Foreman Collection, box 29, volume 57, pp. 644-646. Originally from Niles W. R. Aug. 5, 1837; 5th, vol. 2, No. 23 (vol. 52, No. 1, 349) p. 356. 33. National Archives. Office of Indian Affairs. M234, roll 238. Letter from Captain John Page to C. A. Harris, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, February 9, 1837. 36. National Archives. Office of Indian Affairs. M234, roll 238. Letter to General Poinsett from white-men near Mobile Point. June 17, 1837. 37. National Archives. Office of Indian Affairs. M234, roll 238. Letter of March 31, 1837 from Lt. Reynolds to an unknown U.S. official. 39. National Archives. Office of Indian Affairs. M234, roll 238. letter from Captain John Page to Commissioner Harris. August 6, 1837. 41. National Archives. Office of Indian Affairs. M234, roll 238. Letter fro Jessup to Harris, St Augustine, July 18th, 1837. 42. National Archives. Office of Indian Affairs Microfilm M234, roll 237. Letter to Honorable James Barbour, August 5, 1837 from various members of the Creek Nation. 43. National Archives. Office of Indian Affairs. M234, roll 238. Letter C.C. Clay to Secretary of War P. F. Sutler, January 14, 1837. 44. National Archives. Office of Indian Affairs. M234, roll 238. Letter to The Commissioner of Indian Affairs from William Armstrong, January 27, 1837. 45. National Archives. Office of Indian Affairs. M234, roll 238. Letters from Arbuckle, December 18 & 29, 1836 and William Armstrong, January 27, 1837. 46. National Archives. Office of Indian Affairs. M234, roll 238. Letter from John Stuart to General R. Jones, January 15th, 1837. 48. National Archives. Office of Indian Affairs. M234, roll 238 Letter to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Harris from Nathaniel Smith, Superintendent Cherokee Removal, May 29, 1837. 51. Office of Indian Affairs. National Archives Microfilm Collection M234, Roll 238 - Creek Emigration. 52. The sale of liquor by white men to the Indians on all the Removals was one of the biggest problems encountered by the conductors. 53. The move by Sprague to head up the Arkansas River toward Little Rock showed his foresight. Captain Bettoni in his "Journal of Occurrences" of August, 1836 stated that he couldn't find enough vehicles due to all the Removal parties emigrating at the same time. National Archives. M234, roll 237. 54. Emigration Creek, S.249 Lt. J. T. Sprague, Washington, April 1, 1837. Report of his travel in conducting a party of Emigrant Creek Indians from Alabama to their western homes. National Archives microfilm, M234, roll 238. 55. Letters from Sprague to Gilson and Abercrombie, October 2nd, 5th, 6th, and 12th 1836. National Archives Microfilm, M234, roll 238. 56. Emigration Creek, S.249 Lt. J. T. Sprague, Washington, April 1, 1837. Report of his travel in conducting a party of Emigrant Creek Indians from Alabama to their western homes. National Archives microfilm, M234, roll 238. 57. National Archives, M234, roll 238. "Journal of Occurrences" by Lt. Deaz commencing May 16, 1837. 58. Narrative of the Tragical death of Mr. Darius Barber and His Seven Children who were inhumanely Butchered by the Indians in Camden County, Georgia January 26, 1818. Library of Congress Miscellaneous Pamphlet 1078. 59. Paul Wilhmem, Duke of Württemberg, Travels in North America 1822-1824. Translated by W. Robert, Nitske, p. 33. 72. Basil Hall, Forty Etchings from Sketches Made With the Camera Lucida in North America in 1827 by Captain Basil Hall, RN, p. 97 79. A collaret, according to Elizabeth, in History of American Costume, p. 619 is "A puff made of soft ribbon worn around the throat ending in a bow beneath the chin." 81. Linda V. Ellsworth, Antiques Magazine, Issue No.3, Volume 123, March 1983. "George Washington Sully", p. 600. 82. The paintings, at the time of this writing, are housed at the John C. Pace Library in Special Collections at the University of West Florida. 83. From slides courtesy of Special Collections, John C. Pace Library, The University of West Florida, Pensacola, Florida. 84. From Ferdinand Pettrich's Portraits of Distinguished Indians from several tribes Who Visited Washington in 1837. Courtesy of the New York Public Library, Special Collections. |