The English at Jamestown - The early seventeenth century. Map # 8 Geography of the Southeast "A great propaganda campaign was waged to attract investors: books, pamphlets, and sermons urged support of the colony as a patriotic duty."1 In addition, land was granted to all shareholder, and every colonist had the ability to become a shareholder in exchange for money or for personal servitude.2 However, the near disintegration of Jamestown was almost guaranteed by the population makeup of colonists. "The colonists echoed Lane's company [in Roanoke] - a military organization staffed by young gentlemen, frequently younger sons looking for adventure and advancement, and soldiers, veterans of the Irish and European campaigns. Gentlemen, sometimes little more than boys, were put over experienced soldiers as in Roanoke purely because of their social status. The gentlemen, present in extraordinary large numbers, did not expect to do manual work; nor did the servants with whom they surrounded themselves."3 Smith, however, recognized that hard work by all was necessary if the colony was to survive. "Perhaps because he was a new `gentleman,' he gave little thought to the division between the gentlemen and others."4 Another factor that led to the near downfall of Jamestown was the fact that "The Jamestown colonists landed among a people who already knew and hated the whites"5. These were the Algonquian Indians. The Algonquian Indian family is a linguistic stock designation. According to Hodge, at one point they had occupied the largest territory of any Indian linguistic group in North America. They occupied land, along with other linguistic groups from Newfoundland to North Carolina.6 The Virginia Algonquian (or Algonkian) Indians culturally were marginal to the Southeast being on the Southern terminus of the Algonquian family.7 Their development was more a factor of the influence of the Southeastern and Gulf areas than of the northern adjacent areas8. Approximately three hundred years prior to the founding of Jamestown, the Algonquian Indians had migrated from the North into the Virginia-North Carolina area. Unfortunately, for the Jamestown colonists, Powhatan was in the process of expanding his power base among other local Indian tribes. "The unwelcome English colony was [to be] resisted, ambushed, raided, and cajoled alternately in the hope that it would go away.9" The importance of knowledge of the Algonquians in the early seventeenth century is two fold: One, it presents a picture of the Algonquians at that particular time historically; two, it gives information about the adjacent southeastern tribes, prior to and including the early seventeenth century. Early knowledge of the tribes could only take place where contact was made with the Europeans. For that reason, the coastal tribes are the only tribes for which a sizeable amount of early material is available. Mooney described how even those tribes not directly touched by the Europeans were affected by them. "As it was nearly a century after the founding of Jamestown before the white settlements extended beyond the tidewater, we hear but very little of these inland tribes until they were already advanced toward ultimate extinction through wars, disease, and invasion by the dispossessed tribes."10 The most commonly known Algonquian Indians were the Powhatan Indians. Originally the Powhatan Indians were those belonging to one tribe. The English, however, attributed all the tribes under the jurisdiction of Powhatan (Wahunsonacock was his personal name) as Powhatan Indians11 with Powhatan as the main tribal leader. The number of tribes under Powhatan during the second decade of the seventeenth century varied from twenty-eight to thirty-six depending on who was describing them.12 The other basic linguistic groups in the area were the Iroquois and the Siouans. The Indians of Virginia were not all of the same stature. The Sasquesahanocks (Susquehanna) of Iroquoian linguistic stock were very large in stature. The calf of the leg of one of the largest men measured "3 quarters of a yard about."13 The Wighcocomocoe Indians, on the other hand, were very small in stature. The majority, however, appeared to the English to be tall and straight.14 The Europeans of past centuries were generally shorter than those of today. British military recruits who were in their twenties in 1742 had a mean height of approximately 65 inches or 166 centimeters. British males in their early twenties in 1983 had a mean height of approximately 69 inches or 176 centimeters. Even though the authors of this study show that the trend in heights was not always a steady increase but did show a decrease in some years, it still can be seen that the trend was an upward one. Thus in 1700, the average mean height of the English male was probably less than 5'5".15 Map # 9 English Explorers 1630-1675 "They are generally of a cullour browne or rather tawney, which they cast themselves into with a kind of arsenick stone, like red paste or orpement, or rather red tempered oyntments of earth, and the juyce of certaine scrused rootes [Pucoon], when they come unto certaine yeares, and this they doe (keeping themselves still so smudged and besmeered) eyther for the custome of the country, or the better to defend them (since they go most what naked) from the stinging of muskitoes, kinds of flies or biting gnatts.... Howbeit, yt is supposed neither of them [men or women] naturally borne so discoulored; for Captain Smith (lyving sometymes amongst them) affirmeth how they are from the womb indifferent white, but as the men, so doe the women, dye and disguise themselves into this tawney cowler, esteeming it the best beauty to be nearest such kind of murrey as sodden quince is of (to liken yt to the neerest colour I can) for which they daily anoint both face and bodyes all over..... After their anoynting (which is daylie) they dry in the sun, thereby make their skinns (besides the coulor) more black and spotted, which the sun kissing oft and hard, adds to their painting the more rough and rugged."16 John Smith stated: "...they were of a colour browne when they are of any age, but they are born white".17 The theory that the reason for their reddish-brown color was by the applications of dye and grease was very prevalent at that time and even later. Other primary source writers have also described the Indians to be born naturally a lighter color. An unknown gentleman in 1607 wrote: "Their skynn is tawny not so borne, but with dying and paynting themselves in which they greatly delight."18 Strachey described the physiology of the Indians: "Their noses are broad, flatt, and full at the end, great bigg lippes, and wyde mouthes, yet nothing so unsightly as the moores; they are generally tall of stature, and straight, of comely proportions, and the women have handsome lymbes, sclender armes, and pretty hands.... Their haire is black, grosse, long, and thick; the men have no beards."19 The last statement does have exceptions; Powhatan when he was about eighty was described, by the same author, as: "having graie haires, but plaine and thin, hanging upon his broad shoulders; some few haires upon his chin, and so on his upper lippe."20 George Percy described an aged Pamonkie [Algonquian] Indian of above eight score years: "His eyes were sunke into his head, having never a tooth in his mouth, his haire all gray with a reasonable bigge beard, which was white as any snow. It is a miracle to see a savage have any haire on his faces....This savage was as lustie and went as fast as any of us..."21 "But ye [the] common people have no beards at all for they pull away ther hares as fast as it growes.....and sum [of the priests] have beards."22 An unknown author in 1607 stated that the men and women appeared to be very similar save for their manner of dressing their hair.23 "And they [the common men] cutt ye heares on ye right side of ther heade that it might not hinder them by flapping about ther bow stringe, when they draw it to shoott, But on ye other side they lett it grow and have a long locke hanginge doune ther shoulder."24 Sometimes the men did not wear the long lock of hair over their shoulder but instead: "weare [it] long on the left side, tyed up on a knott, about which knott the kinges and best among them have a kind of coronett of deares hayre coloured redd.....the common sort stick long feathers in this knott."25 Strachey, also, described men's hair styles. "The men shave their haire on the right side very close, keeping a ridge comonly on the toppe or crowne like a coxecombe; for their women, with two shells, will grate away the haire into any fashion they please. On the left side they weare theire haire at full length, with a lock an ell long [45 inches] which they annoint often with walnut oyle, whereby it is very sleeke, and shynes like a raven's wing. Sometymes they tye up their lock with an arteficyall and well laboured knott....stuck with many coulored gew-gaws, as the cast-head or brow-antle of a deare, the hand of their enemiedryed, croisetts of bright and shyning copper, like the newe moone. Many weare the whole skyne of a hauke stuffed with the wings abroad, and buzzards' or other fowles' whole wings, and to the feathers they will fasten a little rattle, about the bignes of the chape [the tip that strenghthens the case] of a rapier, which they take from the tayle of a snake, and sometymes divers kinds of shells, hanging loose by small purfleets or threeds, that, being shaken as they move, they might make a certaine murmuring or whisteling noise by gathering wynd, in which the seeme to take great jollity, and hold yt a kind of bravery."26 Since the descriptions of these early Indian are meager, mistakes are often made by assigning them only one particular style of hair, clothes, etc. The comment made by Strachey "for their women, with two shells, will grate away the haire into any fashion they please"27 is very significant for it demonstrates that variable styles of dress and adornment existed. Many of these styles probably will never be known. The Werowance of Rapahanna wore a different type of deer hair ornament about his knot of hair than has previously been described. "[He had] a crown of Deares haire colloured red in fashion of a Rose fastened about his knot of haire, and a great plate of Copper on the other side of his head, with two long Feathers in fashion of a paire of Hornesplaced in the midst of his Crowne."28 Horns were an often worn form of decoration and will be discussed later in this chapter. The women also wore their hair in different fashions. Smith stated in reference to their hair styles: "The women are cut in many fashions agreeable to their years".29 The above statement seems to echo Strachey's that hair styles within certain boundaries were a matter of personal choice. The women did use the cut of their hair as a way of distinguishing between those married and those not. "There is notice to be taken to know married women from maids. The maids you shall always see the fore part of their head and sides shaven close; the hinder part very long, which they tie in a pleate hanging down to their hips. The married women weares their haire all of a length and [it] is tied of that fashion that the Maids are."30 Another fashion of hair style was that worn by the Queen of Apumatecs (Appomattox) - an Algonquian tribe. "She had long black haire, which hanged down her back to her myddle.....[with] a Crownet of copper upon her hed."31 The chiefs and priests distinguished themselves through their clothes, ornamentation, and the style of their hair. "The preest[s] are shaven on the right side of ther head close to the scull only a litle locke leaft at ye eare and sum of thes hav beards."32 Powhatan as an old man wore his plain and thin gray "hair hanging upon his broad showlders".33 Helen C. Rountree, in her book, The Powhatan Indians of Virginia, stated that the Indian men wore their hair roached with the right side long and the left side shaven because the style had been given to them by their Diety, Okeus.34 Unmarried women's hair was differentiated from that of married women, but the hair styles for prepubescent children of both sexes is not mentioned by any of the primary source authors cited. A form of permanent ornamentation was that created by pouncing, known in modern times as tattooing. The only descriptions found among these Virginia Algonquians was for tattooing done to women. Two types of tattooing are described. Smith described tattooing using black pigment. "Their women some have their legs, hands, brests and face cunningly imbrodered with diverse workes, as beasts, serpents, artificially wrought into their flesh with blacke spots."35 Strachey described a different type of tattooing that involved the use of colored pigments. "The women have their armes, breasts, thighes, shoulders, and faces, cunningly ymbrodered with divers workes, for pouncing or searing their skyns with a kind of instrument heated in the fier. They figure therin flowers and fruits of sondry lively kinds, as also snakes, serpents, eftes, &c., and this they doe by dropping uppon the seared flesh sondry coulors, which rub'd into the stampe, will never be taken awaye againe, because yt will not only be dryed into the flesh, but grow therin."36 The Virginia Algonquian Indian mostly used skins to cover their upper and lower parts of their bodies in the manner that they deemed appropriate. On some occasions, mantles made of feathers were also worn. The breechcout has become a popular symbol of Indian male attire. The etymology of the word breechclouth goes back to the Teutonic - whereby the word Klûtoz meant a piece of cloth, leather, metal, etc., or a patch. (Oxford Dictionary page 328). According to Warwick et al, (The History of American Dress, p. 237), a napkin that was wrapped around an infant was a baby clout. Elizabeth McClellan in her glossary of words relevant to the 1607-1800 period (p. 618) defines Clout as "a coarse kerchief worn on the head." The word clout seemed to be used by the English as a generic term to mean a piece of cloth that was wrapped around a part of the body. The word breech comes from the old Teutonic word brôk and is defined by the Oxford Dictionary (p. 219) as "clothing for the loins and thighs." Thus, the term breechclout, simply indicates a cloth that is worn around the thighs or loins. This term is generally used to describe coverings worn by males; however, the term is not, other than by common usage, gender related. The term breechclout is used very loosely to indicate anything worn by males to cover their private parts. However, the term does not signify only one type of covering. The word "breechclout" is commonly used to describe a piece of dressed skin that covers the male genitals and is pulled through a leather or fiber girdle at the waist and, then, hangs down in the front and back. It can also be used to describe a garment made in a similar fashion but created from the whole pelt of an animal with the head of the animal pulled through the girdle in the front. The breechclout can also be made of various plaited or woven fibers. It is usually not used to describe the apron-like garment that was worn by the North Carolina Algonquian men and women. This type of covering was either in the form of a single apron - worn in the front or a double apron - that covered both the front and the back. The terms breechclout, breech cloth, flap, and loin cloth are used synonymously by many authors to describe any piece of material or animal skin that covers the male genitals. There does not appear to be any evidence from the primary source writers who visited or lived in Virginia in the early part of the seventeenth century as to exactly what style or styles of covering were worn by the men to cover their private parts except that they were made out of well dressed skins. The Indians were inured to both hot and cold weather. Indian women, even on the coldest mornings, washed their infants in the rivers to make them hardy and greased their skins "so that after a year or two, no weather will [would] hurt them."37 Many times in the narratives, the English writers commented on the Indian's hardiness to cold. "The Emperor [Powhatan] sent his Seaman Mantiuas in the evening with bread and victuall for me and my men, he no more scripulous then the rest seemed to take pride in shewing how litle he regarded that miserable cold and durty passage, though a dogge would scarce have indured it."38 Both Smith and Strachey described the apparel worn by male Indians similarly. "For their apparrell they are sometymes covered with the skynns of wyld beasts, which in winter are dressed with the haire, but in the sommer without, the better sort use large mantells of deeres' skynns, not much differing from the Irish falings, [note in text - faling means cloak or mantle in Celtic], some embroidered with white beads, some with copper, others painted after their manner, but the common sort have scarse wherewithall to cover their nakednes, but stick long blades of grass, the leaves of trees, or such like, under broad baudricks of leather, which covers them behind and before."39 The term matchcoat was adopted early into the English language. It comes from the Algonquian term mescote which stood for a multitude of similar garments, namely: coat, matchcoat, robe, jerkin, and mantle of fur.40 Sometimes the skins that covered their private parts were covered with little bones or animal teeth.41 The only other piece of apparel that the men wore were: "leather stockings up to their twistes [note in text - twistes indicates the junction of the thighs], and sandalls on their feet."42 These were, sometimes, worn in cold weather or when they went hunting.43 Strachey elaborated on the description of these "leggings". "[They] put on a kynd of leather breeches and stockings, all fastened together, made of deere skynns, which they tye and wrappe about the loynes, after the fashion of Turkes or Irish trousers."44 Irish trousers could mean either Irish stockings or Irish "trews". The stockings were similar to knitted stockings but were made of cloth and were very warm.45 The "trews" were close-fitting breeches combined with stockings, made of coarse cloth, worn in Ireland and Scotland in the winter season, especially by soldiers.46 Since the term applies to military apparel and the early writers were soldiers, many of whom campaigned in Ireland, the latter definition is probably the correct one. It is difficult to discern the exact description of the leggings and moccasins because the above first description speaks of leather stockings and sandals while the second description speaks of leather breeches and stockings. It seems possible that the two garments consisted of moccasins whose tops extended above the ankle and leggings that were wrapped around the legs and fastened to a girdle at the waist. It is, also, possible that these Indians wore different types of foot gear because Smith in "A Map of Virginia," when writing about the many uses for a knife, stated that the Indians used it for shaping "shoes, buskins, mantels, etc."47 An unknown author in `A Briefe description of the People' described the women as wearing similar clothes to the men.48 Smith stated that: "The women are alwaise covered about their midles with a skin and very shamefaced to be seen bare."49 "The better sort of women cover themselves (for the most part) all over with skin mantells, finely dressed, shagged and fringed at the skyrt, carved and coloured with some pretty work, or the proportion of beasts, fowle, tortayses, or other such like imagry, as shall best please or expresse the fancey of the wearer."50 The words in parentheses for the most part are significant for an Algonquian Queen was described as having long, black hair hanging to the middle of her back "which only part was Covered with a Deares skyn & ells [else] all naked."51 She was, obviously, of "the better sort" referred to in the quotation. Strachey differentiated the dress of prepubescent and pubescent girls. He stated that girls from the age of eleven or twelve years on wore "a kind of semecinctum lethern apron (as doe our artificers and handycrafts men) before their bellies, and are very shamefac't to be seene bare."52 This apron would have been very similar to that worn by the North Carolina Algonquians that were described by White and Hariot. Before the onset of puberty, the young girls wore little or no clothing and romped freely with the boys. Pocahontas as a young girl is described playing with the boys in the fort, "naked as she was".53 The young North Carolina Algonquian girls, were described by White and Hariot as wearing only a piece of moss to cover their private parts. In other Indian tribes, the boys and girls didn't even cover their genitals until the onset of puberty. As stated previously, both men and women wore mantles. These were not only made of skins with and without hair, but also, of turkey feathers and those of other birds. Strachey stated that: "[These mantles were] so prettily wrought and woven with threeds, that nothing could be discerned but the feathers, which were exceeding warme and handsome."54 In 1907 David Bushnell reported in the American Anthropologist about Powhatan's mantle which was in the Ashmolean Museum of Oxford University in England. "It is formed of four pieces of tanned Buckskin, having an extreme length of 2.33 meters and a width of 1.5 meters. The decorations - the significance of which is not known - is formed of small sea-shells (Marginella nivosa) perforated and attached by means of a fine thread of sinew. The shells forming the human figures in the center were first ground at one end, reducing them to scarcely half their natural size."55 This mantle was, in 1907, the only remaining one of three types of mantles that were in the original catalogue of the "Museum Tradescantianum" or A Collection of Rarities Preserved at South-Lanbeth Near London, printed in 1656. On page 47, John Tradescant described the mantles in his collection which were representative of the three types that he had, namely: of dressed skins embroidered with beads, of furs, and of feather work. The mantles in Tradescant's collection were: "A Virginia habit of Beares skin; a Match-coat from Virginia of feathers; Pohatan, King of Virginia's habit all embroidered with shells or Roanoke; [and] a Match-coat of Virginia - made of Racoune skins."56 Ceremonial dress was different than everyday dress. Thirty young women were depicted dancing "only covered behind and before with a few greene leaves....[Their leader had] an otter skin at her girdle."57 Men, also donned apparel to disguise themselves when they went hunting. "One savage hunting alone, useth the skinne of a Deare slit on the one side, and so put on his arme, through the neck, so that his hand comes to the head which is stuffed; and the hornes, head, eies, eares, and every part are arteficially counterfeited as they can devise."58 The male Virginia Algonquians wore "shooting gloves and bracers" which seemed to ressemble wrist guards.59 Both male and females painted their bodies for decoration and for protection against mosquitoes. The latter was done mostly with overall body paint of a uniform color made from "red tempered oyntments of earth and the juyce of certaine scrused rootes."60 The root that they used most often was puccoon which yielded a red color when powdered. This they mixed with bear's grease or walnut oil and painted mostly their heads and shoulders. They believed that this protected them from the heat in summer and the cold in winter.61 "He is the most gallant that is the most monstrous to behold."62 They, also, used this root to paint upon their garments.63 They painted themselves many colors, both everyday and for special occasions, war, ceremonies, mourning etc. "Of the men, there be some who will paint their bodyes black, and some yellowe, and being oyled over, they will sticke therin the soft downe of sundry couloured birds of blew birds, white herne shewes, and the feathers of the carnation birde, which they call Ashshawcutteis, as if so many variety of laces were stitched to their skinns, which make a wondrous shew; then, being angry and prepared to fight, paint and crosse their foreheadds, cheekes, and the right side of their heades diversly."64 They also painted themselves in individual designs and used many different colors. "Thirty young women came naked out of the woods (only covered behind and before with a few green leaves) their bodies al painted, some white, some red, some black, some partie colour, but everyone different."65 At another dance which seemed to involve both men and women, "some paint[ed] their bodies blacke, some red, with artificiall knots of sundry lively colours, very beautiful and pleasing to the eye."66 Since Smith described them as being both monstrously painted and beautifully painted, it can only be surmised that he referred to different types of painting for different occasions. The custom of wearing black for mourning is an ancient one as well as a, seemingly, universal custom. Strachey described the women painting their faces with black coal and oil during a twenty-four hour period of mourning.67 Painting was, also, used to distinguish rank. Even though parts of the following description were presented earlier in the text, in order to gain a full picture of how this Werowance [noble] of "Rapahanna" looked it is necessary to quote the complete description. "When we landed [Smith and his party], the Werowance of Rapahanna came downe to the water side with his traine, as goodly men as any I have seene of Savages or Christians: the Werowance comming before them playing on a flute made of Reed68, with a crown of Deares haire colloured red, in fashion of a Rose fastened about his knot of haire, and a great Plate of Copper on the other side of his head, with two long Feathers in fashion of a paire of Hornes placed in the midst of his Crowne. His body was painted all with Crimson, with a Chaine of beads about his necke, his face painted blew, besparkled with silver Ore as wee thought69, his eares all behung with Braslets [strings] of Pearle, and in either eare a Birds Claw through it beset with fine Copper or Gold."70 The Algonquian Indians had a hierarchal class of priests. The lower priests were not adorned very differently from the regular Indian male while the chief priest was adorned in a very unique fashion: "The chiefe differed from the rest in his ornaments, but inferior Priests could hardly be knowne from the common people, but that they had not so many holes in their ears to hang their jewels at. The ornaments of the chiefe Priest was certain attires for his head made thus. They tooke a dosen or 16 or more snake skins and stuffed them with mosse, and weesels and other vermine skins a good many. All these they tie by their tailes, so as all their tailes meete in the toppe of their head, like a great Tassell. Round about this Tassell is as it were a crown of feathers, the skins hang round about his necke and shoulders and in a manner cover his face. The faces of all their Priests are painted ugly as they can devise, in their hands they had every one his Rattell, some base, some smaller."71 These Algonquian Indians, as did other Indians in the Southeast, used natural resources to create jewelry and other ornaments. The main resources that these Algonquians used were: animal horns, feathers, copper, animal hair, pearls, shells, beads (shell and/or later glass), and dyes for painting on skins, decorating their bodies, etc. The leader of the thirty young women dancers, who has been described previously, wore "a faire paire of stagge horns on her head."72 Animal horns were a form of decoration that was worn by both men and women for ceremonial occasions. Sir Walter Cope in a letter to Lord Salisbury described how "Pohatan [the younger Powhatan, not the Great king] an other of ther kinges came stately Marchinge with a great payre of buckes hornes fastened to hys forehead."73 The wearing of horns was described by more than one observer. George Percy described the King of Pasapahey as being "painted all black with hornes on his head like a Divill."74 And William White described the people of the mislabeled75 town of Rapahannock who attended a feast: "The people were so painted, that a Painter with his pensill could not have done better. Some of them werte blacke like Divels, with hornes and loose haire, some of divers colours."76 Two queen were cited as wearing coronets. But both coronets were very different. The queen of Apametica was described by Percy "with a Coronet beset by white bones, her eares hanged with copper, a chaine thereof six times passing her neck."77 Strachey described Queen Oholasc: "[as wearing] a frontall of white curall78, and pendants of great but imperfect perles, which she put in her eares, and a chayne, with long lyncks of copper, which they call Tapoantaminiais, and which came twice or thrice about her neck, and they accompt a jolly ornament; and sure thus attired, with some variety of feathers and flowers stuck in their haires, they seeme as debonaire, quaynt and well pleased as (I wis) a daughter of the howes of Austria behune (decked) with all her jewells; likewise her mayd fetcht her a mantell, which they call puttawus, which is like a side cloake, made of blew feathers, so arteficyally and thick sowed together, that it seemed like a deepe purple satten, and is very smoothe and sleeke."79 Both men and women, especially the former wore very elaborate earrings that could consist of bird claws, live snakes, copper, and pearls. The snakes seemed only to be worn by the men. The women, according to Smith, adorned themselves mostly with painting and copper beads even though tattooing was common, as mentioned earlier in this chapter.80 "In each eare commonly they have 3 great holes, whereat they hange chaines bracelets or copper." 81 The men also decorated their ears with earrings. "Some of their men weare in these holes, a smal greene & yellow coloured snake, neare halfe a yard in length, which crawling and lapping her selfe around his necke often time familiarly would kisse his lips. Others wear a dead Rat tied by the tail."82 Strachey, also, described many different types of earrings: "Their [the men's] eares they boare with wyde holes, comonly two or three, and in the same they doe hang chaines of stayned pearle braceletts, of white bone or sheeds of copper, beaten thinne and bright, and wound up hollowe, and with a greate pride, certaine fowles' leggs, eagles, hawkes, turkeys, etc. The clawes thrust through they let hangupon the cheekse to the full view."83 The women also wore ornaments of birds in their hair. The young women, aged sixteen or eighteen, that sat on either side of Powhatan had: "their heads bedecked with the white downe of Birds, everyone adorned with something, a great chaine also of white Beades about their neckes."84 Pearls and copper formed the majority of the necklaces worn by these particular Indians. "The kyng [Pamaunche] had a chaine of pearle about his neck thrice Double, the third parte of them as bygg as a pease."85 The men were also known to wear stuffed animals or parts of birds on their heads. "Some on their heads weare the wing of a bird, or some large feather with a Rat tell....Many have the whole skinne of a hawke or some strange fowle, stuffed with the wings abroad. Others a broad peece of copper, and some the hand of their enemy dryed."86 Male Indians often carried bags or purses. Into these they put tobacco, pipes, knives, equipment for the conjurer etc. Bushnell described in an article in 1907 a Virginia purse in the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford England. The purse was decorated all over with "imbroidered Roanoke.87" It was made of tanned buckskin and was worn across the shoulders on the side of the body or fastened to the girdle on the right side.88 Captain John Smith reported that the chief God that the Algonquians worshipped was Oke, whom he termed was the Devil. "They say they have conference with him, and fashion themselves as neare to his shape as they can imagine. In their Temples, they have his image evill favouredly carved, and then painted and adorned with chaines, copper, and beades; and covered with a skin, in such a manner as the deformity may well suit with such a God."89 It would have been interesting if Smith had elaborated more on what he meant by the term "deformity" in relation to Oke. Among the Algonquians, only the priests and rulers were buried with their possessions for it was believed that they would become "a part" of their God Oke. "They thinke that their Werowances and Priestes which they also esteeme Quiyoughcosughes, when they are dead, doe go beyound the mountaines towardes the setting of the sun, and ever remaine there in the forme of their Oke, with their heads painted with oile and Pocones, finely trimmed with feathers, and shal have beades, hatchets, copper, tobacco, doing nothing but dance and sing, with all their predecessors. But the common people they suppose shall not live after death."90 The above quotation only describes Smith's understanding of their religious practices. It is, however, for the above reason that Smith believed that both kings and priests were buried with certain of their possessions: "Their Kings they burie betwixt two mattes within their houses, with all his beads, i[j]ewels, hatchets, and copper."91 The women made thread out of different resources and for various uses. Strachey described the process and some of the uses. The women spun a grass called pemmenaw.92 "Of which their women, betweene their hands and thighes, spin a thredd very even and redily, and their mantells of feathers and their trowses, and they also with yt make lynes for angles [fishing]."93 Both the English and the Algonquians exchanged gifts with each other as well as engaged in trading. During the spring of the first year, Smith reported how he, Captain Newport, and others were treated generously by the Indians that they met. "The people in all places kindely intreating [entreated] us, dauncing and feasting us with strawberries, Mulberies, Bread, Fish, and other their Countrie provisions whereof we had plenty: for which Captaine Newport kindely requited their least favours with bels, Pinnes, needles, beades or Glasses94 which so contented them that his liberallitie made them follow us from place to place and, and ever kindely to respect us."95 This statement seems to conflict with the statement made earlier by Mooney that these Indians hated the White men due to previous associations with them.(See footnote #5). However, the Indians and Jamestown settlers did coexist, sometimes more easily than at other times. The Indians seemed to give gifts to these Englishmen for many reasons: General hospitality, goodwill, and as offerings of peace. The English, on the other hand, seemed to use gifts as a form of bribe and as a method of introducing the Indians to European goods. "The hope of the English was to bring to them [the Virginia Indians] from their base condition to a far better: first in regard to God the Creator, and of Jesus Christ their Redeemer, if they will believe in him; and secondly, in respect of earthly blessings. "Among the 'earthly blessings' that the Indians might expect to receive as a result of their contact with the English would be clothes. There is a want of sheep to make woolen cloth, and this want of cloth might always be supplied from England. As the colony grew, the demand for cloth would grow. English merchants would prosper both by the sale of American goods on the European market and by the sale of manufactured materials, especially cloth, in America."96 Gabriel Archer described an encounter with a Wirowan [Werowance] or King. "He [the wirowance] caused one [a mat] to be layd for Captaine Newport, gave us a Deare roasted; which according to their Custome they seethed againe: His people gave us mulberyes, sodd wheate and beanes, and he caused the weomen to make Cakes for us. He gave our Captaine his crowne which was of Deares hayre Dyed redd."97 Captain Newport gave in return: "gyftes of diyverse sortes, as penny knyves, sheeres, belles, beades, glass toys & &c. more amply than before."98 At another time Captain Newport bestowed on king Arahatec: "a redd wa[i]stcote, which highly pleased him."99 Powhatan was presented with diverse gifts from time to time - many of them in the form of English clothing, furnishing, or other goods of lesser value. On one occasion, he was presented with: "a sute of red cloath, a white Greyhound, and a Hatte, as I[J]ewels, he esteemed them."100 At Powhatan's coronation, he was presented with even more goods: A basin, ewer, bed, and clothes. Powhatan would not put on his scarlet cloak nor other apparel until he was assured that they would not harm him.101 Not only did the English in Virginia give Powhatan gifts of clothes and European goods, but upon the return of a young Indian man102 who had been visiting England, the English sent with him various gifts for the Emperor: "of polished copper and many copper plates and silk robes [these were really, according to a footnote on the same page as the text, a poor quality wool] for himself, his wives, and his children."103 As was the custom of the Indians, Powhatan, in return for his gifts, gave much needed food to the English.104 "Their manner of trading is for copper, beades, and such like, for which they give such commodities as they have, as skins, fowle, fish flesh, and their country corne. But their victuall is theur chiefest riches."105 The Indians, when they considered that they had been amiss in their dealing with the English, made offerings of peace to correct the alleged (by the English) wrongs or slights. "Powhatan to excuse the flight, and suddaine comming of this multitude, sent our Captaine a great bracelet106, and a chaine of pearle, by an anciet orator that bespoke us to this purpose."107 On another occasion, in order to try to persuade the English not to wreck harm on their village "the king sent our Captaine a chaine of pearle."108 The English learnt that what the Indians prized was not what they (the English) believed to be valuable or important. "They [the Indians] were] generally covetous of copper, beads, & such like trash."109 The English, after reviewing the success of the gifts that they had given to Powhatan, decided that: "they had been much better well spared, then so ill spent....For we had his favour much better, onlie for a poore peece of Copper, till this stately kinde of soliciting made him so much overvalue himselfe, that he respected us as much as nothing."110 In this case, the English, probably, were correct in sensing that the Indians had lost some of their awe of them. However, it did not mean that the reason for this loss was that the gifts had been too valuable. The value was strictly in English terms and did not necessarily reflect the Indians' perception of the goods. Prior to Powhatan's coronation, he had shown the English on more than one occasion that he felt they needed to revere his position more than they did: "If your king have sent me presents, I also am a king, and this my land, 8 daies I will stay to receave them. Your father [referring to Captain Newport]111 is to come to me, not I to him, nor yet to your fort....112" Powhatan, addressed Captain Newport, at another time, to react against Newport's condescending attitude toward him: "Captain Newport it is not agreeable with my greatness in this pedling manner to trade for trifles, and I esteeme you a great werowans, Therefore lay me down all your commodities togither, what I like I will take, and in recompence give you that I thinke fitting value."113 As was typical of the majority of Europeans who came early to America, if they could not get what they wanted peacefully, they did it through scare tactics or force. Even John Smith was guilty of this type of action when he dealt with the Indians. However, in his case it was a result of his personality. "He [John Smith] obviously felt no repugnance at mixing on equal terms with carpenters, common soldiers, and even the `naked savage', so long as they did not cross him too overtly. But then it was a matter of John Smith's person, not a social status. He did not intend to be crossed by anybody, not even the brother of a nobleman."114 However, while not excusing his action toward the Indians, his reaction to the Indians during his search for food needs to be assessed in terms of his personality. Although the following passage is long and not all about trade, it will be reproduced in its entirety because of its significance in terms of: the Indians' Idol Oke and his dress; the Indians reaction to the English; and their subsequent willingness to trade. "Being but sixe or seven in company, hee [Smith] went down the River to Kecoughtan, where at first they scorned him, as a starved man; and would in derision offer him a handfull of Corne, or a piece of bread, for their [the Englishmen's] swords and muskets, and such like proportion also for their apparel. But seeing by trade there was nothing to be had, necessitie forced him to exceed his Commission115 and to use his Muskets to another kind of trading, which made these deriders flye to the Woods. Hee hasted to their houses, and found [a] store of Corne from which the hungry Souldiers were hardly detained, in hastier spoile to have betrayed themselves to the returning Savages assault. This sixtie or seventy did presently, with hideous noise to the eare, and manifold colours painted to the eye, singing and dancing with their Okee (which was an idol made with skins stuffed with mosse, all painted and hanged with Chaines and Copper, borne before them) and being well armed with Clubs, Targets, Bowes, and Arrowes, they charged the English, who so kindly received them with their muskets loaden with Pistoll shot, that downe fell their God, and divers of his worshippers lay sprauling on the ground, the rest flying to the Woods. Soon after they sent one of their Quiyoughcasucks to offer peace, and redeeme their Okee. Smith agreed that if only six would come unarmed and load his boat with Corne, hee would be their friend, restore their Okee, and give them Beads, Copper, Hatchets; which on both sides was performed to mutuall content, and they brought him (singing and dansing) Venison, Turkeys, wild Fowle, Bread &c.....in the meane time those at the Fort so glutted the Savages with their commodities as they became not regarded."116 The last statement might refer to the market that the Englishmen at the fort were known to have whereby the Indians came and traded their goods with the English for trinkets "such as knives, articles made of glass, mirrors, little bells, and so on."117 The styles of English clothing and their descriptive terminology is important to know because this knowledge not only describes what the Indians were exposed to, but it, also, gives a further point of reference toward understanding the framework by which the English viewed and depicted the Indians' dress and adornment. Fashion historians generally divide the sixteenth and seventeenth century into two periods. Naturally, fashions will overlap periods and only those living the life of the "haute monde" would follow the dictates of fashion religiously. The Spanish trend spanned the years from 1545-1620, while the `Cavalier' mode extended from 1620-1660.118 "There were no radical changes in English costume from 1550, the middle of the Elizabeth's reign, until the accession of Charles I in 1625."119 The basic articles of dress worn by the Jamestown contingent were so similar to those worn by the Roanoke colonists, that a lengthy description would be superfluous. Basically the men wore, doublets over white linen shirts. If a waistcoat was worn, it was worn under the doublet. It is interesting to note, since the English frequently presented red waistcoats to the Indians120, that waistcoats did not become very popular until the first third of the seventeenth century121 although they were worn in the 16th century.122 To be fully dressed, a man wore first a shirt, then, a waistcoat (although from the literature of the period, this seemed to be an optional garment during the early part of the seventeenth century). A doublet was worn over the shirt and, possibly, waistcoat. Over all these garments was, then, worn a jerkin. The doublet was, usually, padded for "warmth". On their lower body they wore padded trunk hose of varying length, with tailored attached stockings or with canions and knitted stockings. Farthingale breeches, which took their name from the farthingales worn under women's skirts, became popular in the beginning of the seventeenth century. These breeches were padded and stuffed so that they stuck out. Boots of varying lengths and types of leather; a sash or leather belt to hold a pistol or sword; and a wide-brimmed hat of felt or Beaver or a monmouth cap, made of knitted wool and fitting the head with a brim and a long peaked top that hung to the side, completed the outfit. In the winter, a heavy cloak was worn as the outermost garment.123 Armor was still worn if warranted, although it consisted of half armor - a breastplate, backplate, and helmet124 or "jackets of quilted leather".125 The gentlemen of the colony wore expensive and luscious brocades, silks, laces etc. even in the sweltering heat of the summer. Status was more important to some than comfort.126 These garments were not "ideal" for the hot and humid climate of Virginia. The few laborers would have been dressed more appropriately for the climate and terrain of Virginia. Unfortunately, little has been written in regard to the dress of the common man during that period of history. It can be surmised that they probably wore leather or coarse material jerkins, breeches that were plain and not padded and heavy shoes or boots. The formality of the everyday dress of the "Virginia gentlemen" is illustrated by the clothes that Smith had with him when he was captured by Powhatan. According to Hakluyt, Smith wrote: "I had my gowne, pointes and garters...."127 Barbour's edition of Smith's Works states that an Indian, Maocassater, who was indebted to Smith, brought him his gowne because it was cold outside128 and this particular narrative did not mention points and garters. It cannot be known whether the gown referred to an Indian matchcoat or the formal gowne that English gentlemen wore as a formal outer garment. The points referred to ties used to attach hose or breeches to a doublet. The garters were bands that were placed below or above the knee to secure stockings and other types of hose. On March 23, 1608 Francis Perkins wrote to a friend in England requesting clothes since that winter a fire had destroyed much of Jamestown. He requested ten pounds worth of discarded clothing to be sent to him comprised of any combination of: "(Outer) apparel, underwear, doublet, breeches, mantle, [or] hose." He concluded by stating "for we need everything because the fire burned all we had, and anything will be of use to us."129 It was hoped that the future settlers who were to come to Jamestown would be more prepared than the earlier settlers for the type of life they would encounter. Even though, this list was prepared more than ten years after the initial voyage to Jamestown, the articles of apparel are representative of what was worn in Jamestown during the first decade and what the Indians saw. The following is a list that was prepared for either private families or single persons. This following excerpt is from the list of "Apparell" 130. 3 falling bands [falling collars] 1 suit of Canvas [strong, unbleached cloth - the type used for sails] 1 suit of Frize [frieze - a coarse woolen cloth] 3 paire of Irish stockings [trews - close-fitting breeches combined with stockings, made of coarse cloth worn in Ireland and Scotland in the winter season, especially by soldiers]131 5. Mooney, American Anthropologist, Volume 9, 2nd series. The Powhatan Confedaracy, Past and present," p. 129. 7. Speck, Indian Notes and Monographs, volume 1, #5. Chapters on the Ethnology of the Powhatan Tribes of Virginia," p. 227. 22. Smith, (Arber edition), Travels and Works of Captain John Smith, Spelman "Relation of Virginia" p. cxiii. 24. Smith, (Arber edition), Travels and Works of Captain John Smith, Spelman "Relation of Virginia" p. cxiii. 30. Smith, (Arber edition), Travels and Works of Captain John Smith, Percy " A Discourse of the Plantation of the Southerne Colony in Virginia by the English," pp. lxix-lxx. 32. Smith, (Arber edition), Travels and Works of Captain John Smith, Spelman "Relation of Virginia" p. cxiii. 40. Seibert Jr., Studies in Southeastern Languages, "Resurrecting Virginia Algonquian from the Dead." pp. 325-325 55. Bushnell, The American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 9, 1907, Virginia - From Early Records p. 39. 56. From James Mooney's Papers, box 2, Anthropological Archives, Smthsonian - Museum of Natural History, pp. 124 & 126. 69. The footnote to Hakluyt's text states that "Very likely the face was tattooed (Swanton, Indians of the Southeastern U.S. p. 529)." If this was the case, then it shows that Algonquian males did tattoo themselves. The Purchas text, p. 411, that also contains the description of the Warowance of Rapahanna, is not foot noted as to the blue color on his face. 75. There is a footnote to Hakluyt text which states that "Rapahannock was the mistaken name by which the village of Quiyoughcohannock was firts known". Jamestown Voyages, p. 147. 78. When coral is mentioned in the section of Jamestown Voyages, `In Virginia' a footnote states that "The reference regarding the statement - There are many large pearls in that land, and a great quantity of coral - refers surely to shells, not to coral." Pages 152-153. 92. Pemmenaw or Pemminaw was the same grass that the English called silk grass (Smith, Barbour edition, vol. 2, p. 215) 100. Hakluyt, Jamestown Voyages, "In Virginia", p. 191. 102. The English sent some of their boys to live among the Indians so that they could learn the language; the Indians sent the sons of Werowances and other high ranking Indians to England to visit. 106. In this case the word bracelet probably means a bracelet and not a string of pearls since a chain is also mentioned. 111. Smith had so described Captain Newport's greatness that the Indians thought that he was the chief and the rest his children, officers, and servants. From Hakluyt, Jamestown Voyages, p. 190. 115. The London Virgina Company had instructed the early settlers "not to offend the naturals [Indians] if you can eschew it." From The Travel and Works of Captain John Smith, (Arber edition), p. xxxv. 123. Warwick et al, The History of American Dress-Early American Dress, pp. 47-50 & 60-69; McClellan, History of American Costume, pp. 45-47. 130. Smith, (Barbour edition) The Complete Works of Captain John Smith, volume 2, p. 320, from "A particular of such necessaries as either private families, or single persons, shall have cause to provide to goe to Virginia, whereby greater numbers may in part conceive the better how to provide for themselves." |